A Strategy of Negotiated Peaceful Revolution

September 18, 2002 will soon be upon us, marking exactly a year since the president of Eritrea openly imposed himself on The State of Eritrea and its people as the undisputed, one-man ruler by imprisoning his former comrades in arms, �The Eritrean 11��and by completely shutting down the independent free press. This tragic date stands as an historic reminder of a promise betrayed. It underscored a clear lesson for the Eritrean people to never again put their trust in mortal men but in the rule of law.  

In essence, September 18, 2001 was no different from all other days when ordinary citizens had been pulled out of their homes and work places by the security forces never to be seen or heard from again. Its relatively heightened significance lies in how the two aforementioned events exposed the magnitude of our national challenge. It was a very pronounced affirmation of the fact no one�not even those who struggled for two-thirds of their lifetime to plant the Eritrean flag�was safe from the reaches of a determined tyrant. 

The unfortunate day was also a wake-up call to all Eritreans at home and in the Diaspora to seriously examine the nature and origin of this national betrayal, and to do everything possible to reverse the dangerous situation and lay the foundation to fundamentally and structurally prevent this from ever happening again. It has forced most Eritreans to see things as they really are and in this sense, it has been a constructive challenge. It has penetrated deep into the hearts and minds of all Eritreans demanding a truthful account of our national reality. 

A year later, most Eritreans have come to realize that the present national political arrangement is not only unacceptable, but also extremely dangerous for the very survival of the State of Eritrea. Out of this realization and awareness has emerged a sense of collective responsibility transcending all man-made and primordial cleavages in our national politics. Everything humanly possible has to be done to save the nation from implosion. 

In spite of diametrically opposed ideological and political perspectives and programs, all Eritrean political forces have an overriding responsibility to assure the people that they are keenly aware of the gravity of our crisis. They promise to work extra hard and go the extra mile to find a creative and constructive solution that will accommodate the diverse political demands without endangering or sacrificing the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the nation. 

So, how do we transform such a potentially destructive national crisis into a clearly defined Unifying National Vision (UNV) before it is too late and events override our better judgments? We must address three key questions before we can formulate a clearly defined UNV and the practical action agenda needed to translate it into concrete reality: 

�        How far has the struggle for rule of law and democracy advanced since September 18, 2001�and furthermore, what are the most distinguishing characteristics of this new period?

�        What overarching grand strategy will best facilitate the transformation of Eritrea into a unified and democratic nation without weakening the State of Eritrea?

�        What safeguards do we need to incorporate into our national struggle to ensure that external adversaries will not meddle in or take advantage of our internal difficulties to weaken or destroy the newly emerging state? 

From Uncritical Support to Independent Civic Society 

It has been an extraordinary year by any reasonable standard. Our disappointment has been equaled in depth and intensity to the unrealistic faith we had in a government of men�let alone Eritreans who had a legitimate reason to feel proud and expect much from their government. For the pages of international newspapers were full of extraordinary positive coverage about the immense potential that the newest African State was bringing to the table in the beginning of a new century. So much promise and so much potential was brought to a screeching halt by an authoritarian decision to usurp all political power. 

Eritrea was sabotaged from the inside out. Its agenda of liberty, freedom and economic security was deferred. No one in their right mind would have expected events to take the direction and turn they did and the top leadership of the nation to act so irrationally and irresponsibly. The scar from this breach and betrayal will be deeply rooted in our national psyche and will take generations to heal. It will effect the way we perceive, evaluate and construct our political order.    

The Eritrean people�who for centuries have had a keen sense of law and justice�were lulled into temporarily putting their faith in politicians rather than in a constitution and the rule of law. This was an honest oversight at best and a-once-in-a-lifetime fit of madness at worse. They put their children�s lives and the nation�s resources at the disposal of a government that they expected would live up to its promise. There is no shame in the people�s being generous and trusting; the shame is in those who abused their genuine trust and generosity�and in those who hi-jacked the nation's agenda, turning it in to a monumental failure to satisfy their lust for power and temporary glory. 

A profound and critical lesson has been forced upon us: we must unconditionally accept the fact that a government of men is a dangerous proposition and that unsupervised and unconstrained government is our mortal enemy. The only government worth calling a �good government� is a government of law and not of men. We are humbled by our oversight and the stark reality brought home by our bitter experience. Our blind faith is a thing of the past. We are now born again and ready to assume the joyful burden of self-governance. Those who underestimated the Eritrea�s collective character and tenacity and chose to impose their myopic agenda will have to be brought back to their earthly senses and �convinced� to bow to the will of the people.  

Democracy begins with self-empowerment and management. It starts by recognizing and affirming sovreignty over one�s self. We have in a short period of time moved from being uncritical cheerleaders of an evolving tyrant to sovereign citizens and organizers of a vibrant civil society. This is by far the most important development of the post-September 18, 2001 political reality. 

The primary insurance for democracy is the full empowerment of individual citizens. When individual citizens affirm their legal existence on the basis of a well-engineered constitution and a conscientiously crafted rule of law, a nation can weather any crisis and still come out more strengthened through the experience. The only thing that can further fortify and enrich this kind of  empowerment is when citizens move one more step forward and formulate civic societies to define, protect and advance their specific interests. Authoritarians despise free and independent civil societies. To a certain extent, some opposition politicians and groups may share the same fear about the nature and potential of civil societies. Anyone who is used to manipulating the people and who has an elitist agenda will quite naturally be intimidated by the emergence of truly independent popular organizations. The reaction of the Eritrean government�s representatives towards the newly established political forums is indicative of this endemic fear. 

The civic organizations are here to stay. They will have a profound and decisive impact on the national political and social process. They are learning the rules of the game as they go. The ever-increasing machination by the government and its �Amen corner� has not made their progress smooth�but,  this will not derail their struggle for the right of free association in particular and democracy in general. The civil societies are moving in the right direction. Their contribution towards the transformation of Eritrea into a democratic nation will be critical and indispensable. All political forces in and out of power have to reconcile themselves with this new reality. Any effort by the government or the opposition to vertically control the civil societies should be vigorously challenged and condemned without the slightest hesitation. To a greater extent, civil societies under an authoritarian system are more critical to creating the conditions for democratic transformation than an established and dogmatically fixated political parties. Without the burden of the agenda of seizing political power, civil societies have more flexibility and adaptability. They are not constrained by ideology or party bureaucracy.

The birth of the independent civil societies is the regeneration of Eritrea. Expanding and consolidating them will be the responsibility of all who wish to see Eritrea transformed into a democratic nation.

An Extremely Dangerous National Crisis, Not A Revolutionary Situation

The other critical post-September 18 Eritrean reality is: What started as an intra-party crisis has evolved to an all engulfing and consuming national crisis. There is not a single segment of the society that has not been directly affected by this ever-expanding political debacle. The present regime seems determined to continue its destructive behavior by positioning its struggle for day-to-day survival as its primary purpose; consequently, the nation�s political health is going from bad to worse. 

No other African government has worked as hard to destroy the unconditional support and love of its people as the present Eritrean regime has. Thanks to the arrogant and condescending nature of its top leaders, the country has gone from being the most promising to being the most disappointing in a matter of a decade.  

The dwindling supporters of the regime cannot even present a coherent interpretation and intellectual defense of the government�s decisions and actions. They are exhausted in �defending� the conflicting and incoherent  �articulation� of the regime; most of them are withdrawing into silence and indifference. They are learning that there is a limit to just how far one can go to rationalize the actions and policies of a government bent on self-destruction. In a very short time, most of them will move to the territory of the uncommitted democratic reserve force. If the opposition evolves into a visionary agent of non-violent change, this vast reserve force will side with it�ultimately forcing the regime to the table. If not, it will revert back to the authoritarian camp with the first cosmetic reform by the government. Leveraging this growing political force will demand a mastery of political bargaining. Some in this sector will focus on what the opposition is willing to give up in order to come to the table, while others will concentrate on what can be contributed to its agenda to accommodate this new force. It will be an excellent learning process of give-and-take for the national negotiation.    

In our effort to challenge the present regime�s total control over the life of the nation, we have to be careful on how we read the details of the Eritrean political reality. We should neither underestimate the strength of the authoritarian regime nor overestimate the strength and preparedness of the political opposition to assume leadership. 

The correct evaluation and characterization of the gravity of the national crisis will have a direct impact on how we proceed in formulating our day-to-day tactics�and at times, even on how well we design the particular strategy of a specific political organization. At this time, all political groupings have to clearly recognize that as acutely and deeply rooted as our national crisis is, it has not reached the point where the ruling party is about to disintegrate or the regime is on the verge of collapse. In short, there is no revolutionary situation in Eritrea and it will be a while before we can speak of that possibility. There is no dual power center in the Eritrean political landscape. The implication of this reality for old and new organizers is immensely significant. Policies, strategies and tactics have to be adjusted to take this critical summation into account in our effort to correctly and efficiently manage the outcome of the national crisis.  

The urgency to �unite� or to coordinate the opposition under a well-defined and realistic platform is not based on expediency or the imminence of the collapse of the regime�not does it depend on the wishes and kindness of individual organizational leaders. It is as basic as the railroad track is to the train. Without the railroad track we will not get to our destination. Without unity we will not have the necessary leverage to force the tyrant to the table.  

Equilibrium by Design: The Art of a Managed Political Stalemate 

Under an acute national crisis, the role of the opposition is drastically altered. It does not have the luxury of behaving in an anachronistic fashion and getting pleasure out of the failure of the group in power. It must not be so narrowly focused on removing a dictator that it inadvertently contributes to the collapse of a fragile State.  

The tactic of opposing �at all costs� and by �any means necessary� has no relevance to the Eritrean reality. Political opposition organizations must avoid the mistake of simplistically assuming that what is �bad� for the ruling party is �good� for �our group� and by extension, for the nation.  The only worthwhile and meaningful way to evaluate all transactions is to ask how they will affect and effect the process holistically, and determine what one can do to strengthen the positive and minimize the negative impact. There is wisdom in being content if an event or action ends up strengthening the overall democratic struggle at a marginal cost to one�s organization.  

Leadership considered in the context of setting an Eritrean agenda starts by correctly grasping the unavoidable strategic implication of such a responsibility. This overriding national responsibility must underline the deliberation of all issues big and small. Political programs and coalitions cannot have lasting significance unless and until they incorporate and reflect this mode of thinking.  

We can say that barring �miracles� and an �unexpected change of personality,� the new elite who mismanage the nation have no reason to change their direction and style of governance. Their control of the hearts and minds of the people is slowly fading, but their hold on power is becoming more concentrated and potent. The party and the government are convinced that the only way they can govern without a serious challenge is by corrupting a section of the top and middle level leadership of the E.D.F. This new symbiosis has its own implication for the democratic opposition�s strategy and tactics. 

The composition of the current ruling elite in Eritrea is a strategic alliance between the top party cadres and the military/security hierarchy along with a few intellectuals sprinkled here and there�making it a formidable force to be reckoned with in the near future. The absence of a broadly organized national opposition with a unifying vision adds to their comfort zone. As it stands now, there is nothing on the political horizon to convince or force the Eritrean government to come to the table and negotiate a peaceful transformation of Eritrea into a democratic nation. There is no incentive for the Eritrean government to change its course or adapt a conciliatory view.  

For the opposition to assume the government is on the verge of collapse would be an exercise in self-delusion and appeasement. This is a luxury it cannot afford. We have to prepare for a protracted struggle and dig in our heels and build a solid opposition, which has an appreciation for pragmatism and real politics. We have to build powerful and visible economic, social and political leverages to effect a change in the government�s behavior. 

No matter how brave and determined we are at this point in time, we have not marshaled enough political clout to influence the behavior of the authoritarian regime. As negative as it may sound, this is the stark reality. By the same token, in no way does this imply that the regime is invincible and not headed towards an inevitable showdown with the people. Enough seeds have been planted in the hearts and minds of many within the ruling party and the army to finally tip the scales of balance in favor of creating an Eritrean democracy in the near future.  

As the balance of forces stand now, the opposition is strategically strong but tactically weak; and the ruling party is tactically strong, but strategically weak. Viewed from the perspective of national salvation, both extremes are unhealthy and dangerous. How to creatively correct this imbalance without destroying the nation in the process is the crux of the challenge and the primary responsibility of the opposition. Based on this understanding, we have to try introducing into our political discourse the concept of �struggle��not in the sense of totally overwhelming the adversary, but in terms of weakening it enough so that there is no choice but to accept a negotiated solution to the national impasse. Working to correct the glaring imbalance�and in principle, working to set the political groundwork for a future grand compromise are mutually inclusive. By definition, this strategy puts a sense of national responsibility equal to if not greater than that of the ruling elite in the hands of the opposition�s leadership.  

The opposition has to coalesce all nationalist and democratic forces and create a political stalemate by design and avoid going for broke and putting the nation through the catharsis of a revolutionary situation. This demands a fundamental transformation�a revolution in our thought process. It presupposes defying our experience and adopting a contrary trait. Accepting the responsibility�even when our best instincts say it is madness to try to influence a significant part of the ruling party members to see eye to eye with us�is going to be as revolutionary as accepting the notion that world is round when everyone else believes it is flat. Ideas accepted and acted upon become strong political and social forces that can move people and nations.

The alternative is war at all cost. The �victor� (if there is such a concept in the context of a civil war) will rule a nation with half of its population in graveyards and the rest carrying visible and invisible scars. We have the moral and political responsibility of formulating a strategy that will not turn Eritrea into a fratricidal battleground. 

A Major Change in Strategy: Going for A Negotiated Revolution 

It goes without saying that the legitimate demand of the Eritrean people to live in peace is not only directed towards external adversaries who harbor ill will towards the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the new state, but also to all Eritrean political forces in and out of power.   

The opposition has a historic responsibility to heed the people�s call and make the necessary conceptual and practical adjustments to live up to their wish and desire for a peaceful way to resolve our national crisis. We have to address this paramount issue without any hesitation or delay. Theoretical what ifs and misguided reminders that �this is Africa� peaceful change is not possible� hold no credibility under the present reality. We need to dig deeper and examine the lunacy of the concept of armed struggle and insurgent politics under post-independent Eritrea.  

If a segment of the opposition persists with this anachronistic and discredited strategy, a genuine effort has to be made to convince them to abandon this idea and demand accountability for their actions. This responsibility primarily falls upon the shoulders of the card-carrying members of the respective organizations. When and if they fail to persuade the leadership of the organizations this task has to be assumed by the civic organizations.  

A strategy which from the outset assumes there will be civil war between Eritreans is not only morally unacceptable but also against the fundamental national interest. We have to make the strategic choice: warfare or non-violence, bullets or words, the battlefield or the table. Groups wielding guns cannot guide the struggle for democracy. The arrogance and shortsightedness of the ruling elite should not be matched by the irresponsibility of an opposition elite. We cannot outlaw death, but we can prevent organized carnage as a political prescription. The responsibility of possibly waging war to unseat the cruel tyrant has not been assigned or mandated to the leadership of the Eritrean opposition. If there are some who have designated themselves as armed guardians of the Eritrean people, not only is it wrong, it is also dangerous to the overall democratic struggle. The dichotomy of armed and unarmed democrats is a political absurdity. If left unchallenged it will turn into an unequal relationship between an armed potential tyrant and a collection of helpless civilian democrats. This has to be tackled head on in the early phases of the opposition�s dialogues on the possibility of forming an umbrella organization to unify all political forces struggling for the democratization of Eritrea. 

The usefulness of armed struggle ended when Eritrea became an independent state. All internal struggle after independence is political�and by extension, peaceful and protracted. The fact that a power-hungry clique chose to monopolize power has complicated the process, but not changed the fundamental non-violent nature of the political struggle for democratizing Eritrea. The devastating consequences of post-independence civil war are all evident in Angola, Mozambique and The Sudan. All Eritreans who are working to transform the nation into a democratic entity have the added burden of studying the devastating experience of other nation�s civil wars to get a general idea of what it entails to go through that particular kind of devastation. This is only to reinforce and highlight the tragic first-hand experience shared by most of the organized opposition�s leadership in the Eritrean civil war. The collective lessons learned and the wisdom earned from the first civil war is enough for us to drastically change the strategy of the present struggle for democracy. 

The opposition has to make the fundamentally strategic concession of abandoning all insurgent options and concentrate on channeling all of its undivided energy into actualizing a peaceful transformation. With a Peacefully Negotiated Revolution as its over-arching national political strategy, the opposition can proceed on to the �how-to� part of creating the necessary conditions to concretize this strategy.  

Massive Organizing: Creating a Vast Social Movement for Political Leverage 

The major shift in our overall strategy on how to solve the ever-growing national crisis demands an equivalent shift in our organizing focus and method. A peaceful approach to conflict resolution at the national level demands that the opposition mobilize a broad section of the society and work hard to narrow the constituency base of the ruling party.  Such a method creates a political climate that will convince the leadership of the regime and ruling party that it will be in their best interest to join the table and negotiate a new and better political arrangement that will guarantee the nation�s stability, and simultaneously usher in a negotiated compromise agenda for the transition to democracy. 

The present Eritrean government has proven its mastery of intransigence. It has constantly exhibited an unbelievable level of arrogance and contempt for reasonable requests to solve the national problem peacefully through dialogue and intelligent discourse. The history of G-13 and G-15 proves that the power-hungry elite running the State do see a reason to negotiate their control of power. Their response to all peaceful demands has been to throw citizens in jail. The emerging vocal opposition terrifies the governing elite and its reaction should have been expected. Our disappointment comes from having failed to realize no matter how nationalist the governing party was, it was headed by individuals with no appreciation for democracy and respect for the rule of law. Now that we have been forced to test the bitter truth and have surrendered our illusions, we can deliberately design and create the necessary conditions to push the ruling elite to come to the table. We have to build enough leverage and give birth to a new reality. This can only be done by a massive organizing effort above ground (mostly in the Diaspora) and underground in Eritrea. Every force that can support the struggle for democracy has to be organized, connected and plugged in. 

Key to all of this is the expansion and consolidation of the newly emerging civic organizations. Every city and country (outside of Eritrea) where there are Eritreans has to have at least one civic organization (irrespective of the form and the specific structure) dedicated to transforming Eritrea into a democratic nation. The next effort should be to officially link all civil societies in a broad-based federal structure. All ideologies and political beliefs must be reflected within the civil society. It should be the most inclusive organizational form in Eritrean political culture. It must promote the ideals of democracy, constitutional governance and the peaceful transfer of power as matters of principle. It should neither endorse nor attack any organized political group. Its existence is primarily defined in relation to the Eritrean State. It is not in the business of being used by an individual party or group to advance a specific political agenda or program. It will struggle for the rights of the Eritrean people to have their say in their governance. 

We should work hard to help organize an independent Eritrean Labor Union free from the control of the governing party�s political cadres. We should demand that political control of the labor union, youth organizations, women association, student unions and farmers associations etc. be lifted. If the government fails to listen (no doubt it will) the already organized civil societies should be convinced to push for and aid in constructing parallel independent underground organizations for all sectors of our society.  

The former graduates of Asmara University living in the Diaspora should collaborate and lead the struggle to organize the new generation into a formidable independent political block. In short, we have the unenviable responsibility of launching a massive organizing effort to create a new political reality and to leverage this new force into actualizing a political stalemate by design. With a unified leadership, we can then challenge the regime by calling for civil disobedience, a national strike or peaceful demonstrations to drive the point home to the regime that it is time to change the rules of the game. 

This transformation will be easily expedited by the fact that over 50% (a conservative estimate) of Eritreans are under the age of 30. This youthful generation has no organic affinity to the ruling regime and party. On the contrary, the majority seem to have developed unrestricted hatred and contempt for the ruling elite. They naturally fall within the camp of democracy. A serious effort must be made to organize this powerful force under the democratic agenda. 

The struggle for democracy primarily will be an urban undertaking and this is to the advantage of the political forces that are trying to transform the Eritrea�s system. Over one third of Eritreans live in an urban environment. Most have access to radios. With a well-organized and coordinated radio program from the Diaspora Eritreans we can easily reach about half of the population. We can use the radio as a source of alternative information and a means of organizing at the same time. High on the priority list of the opposition should be the organizing of a radio program that will serve as an outlet for the collective opposition. Sectarian and one-party radio programs are if not outright counterproductive, at least helpful for the overall democratic struggle. With a systematic and efficient utilization of the Internet we can build on the positive benefits we have already registered. 

The most forgotten and neglected sector of the Eritrean population is the entrepreneur segment. The ruling elite�s hatred for the business men and women is only surpassed by its hatred for intellectuals. The total monopoly of commerce and business by the ruling party has turned many entrepreneurs to the opposition camp. Presently, they are unorganized and isolated from the direct struggle for democracy. Employing the right approach and making their specific legitimate interest a part of the democratic agenda (thereby giving them the platform to present their demands) will enhance and expand the rank of the opposition.    

The very obvious and critical deficiency that needs immediate attention is the low-level participation of the Eritrean intelligentsia. Strong and direct participation of a committed intelligentsia has always made a difference in other nation�s transition to democracy. The pattern may vary, but the contribution is a key ingredient to the advancement of struggle for democracy. This critical sector has to assume its innate responsibility and tip the balance scales decisively in the favor of democracy.  

Whatever reservations it may have about the political forces on both sides of the national issue, the intelligentsia cannot stay neutral or indifferent. The stakes are too high for any citizen to stay aloof�let alone the intellectuals from whom much is expected. To strengthen the possibility of a peaceful resolution to our national crisis, the organized intervention of the intelligentsia has to evolve beyond its present level. 

By far, the most critical responsibility of the opposition is to search for potential partners from within the ruling party to join the peaceful revolution. One has to sincerely believe that there are elements inside the ruling party who disagree with the general direction of the present national leadership. G-15 cannot be the only reformist wing of the party. Even though at this time the party is under total control of the most anti-democratic forces, other factions or followers of G-15 are bound to surface under the right circumstances.  

The clarity of vision, the agenda, and the style and strength of the aggregate opposition will have immense significance for the democratic forces within the ruling party. The more organized and united the opposition becomes and the more willing it is to earnestly address the concerns and interests of the ruling party�s democrats, the more likely  the ruling party�s democrats will be receptive to the possibility of taking control of the party; furthermore, the chances are even greater that they will transform it into a potential partner that can be integral to the process of negotiating the transition towards democratic governance.  This indirect leverage will have a decisive impact on the direction of the national agenda. Identifying and connecting with this democratic element is the ultimate link that will help transform the confrontation to a negotiation. Without a cooperative democratic wing within the ruling party, the challenge to peacefully resolve our national crisis will take longer and be more taxing, but certainly not impossible.   

Hand in hand with the organizing of each sector must also follow the networking and experience-exchanging aspect of all organizations with the expressed purpose of transforming the political struggle into a vast social movement. It will be possible to create a critical mass strong and powerful enough to �convince� the ruling elite to head to the table.       

The Foundation - Safeguarding the Sovereignty and Territorial Integrity of Eritrea 

The underlying responsibility of protecting and safeguarding the nation�s very existence falls primarily on the regime itself. With all our differences in tact, we have to accept this institutional reality. Whatever political maneuvering the opposition has to do in order to bring the ruling clique to the negotiating table cannot include directly or indirectly endangering the sovereignty and territorial integrity of this new nation. The first rule of the salvation of the nation is established when we recognize this underlining foundation. The critical nature of this responsibility is compounded when the governing regime is reckless and irresponsible. 

We should not entertain any illusions that the survival of Eritrea is already assured. A weak and divided Eritrea (with serious internal problems) may encourage ambitious enemies�both  near and far�to conspire and take advantage of our predicament. The opposition has a corresponding responsibility (albeit at a secondary level) to make sure it does not send the wrong signal about its commitment to the maintenance and consolidation of the sovereignty of Eritrea. The search for non-violent strategies is based on recognizing this national responsibility, and it imposes a certain limitation on the maneuverings and actions the opposition can undertake in its effort to actualize democracy.  

Employing the strategy of a peacefully negotiated revolution gives us a true guarantee that the effort to introduce democratic governance will not be costly in terms of both life and property. Moreover, it will not endanger the very existence of the country. There is no other known shortcut to accomplishing our twin duty than to make a conscious decision to abandon the insane and devastating course of armed struggle. Eritrea is blessed by having wise people and hurt by the presence of a power-hungry elite at the helm of power. If we access all the democratic forces (even those in the ruling party), we will be able to mobilize enough goodwill and political strength to prod the ruling party to the table.  

The arrogance and contempt of the ruling clique can be contained in a very short period of time once their followers are convinced the interest of the nation should not be sacrificed for the unbridled ambition and fragile ego of an unrepentant tyrant. The opposition should be humble and truthful enough not to claim exclusiveness in defense of democracy. It has to be open minded enough to the point of accepting the possibility that the most powerful democrats may be just a few inches away from the president, waiting for the right circumstance. There is not a designated shelf reserved only for democrats. You can find them where you least expect them. Eritrea�s democrats come in all shapes and manners. They are educated and uneducated, old and young, vocal and silent, extroverted and introverted, etc., etc�.as diverse as your imagination can handle. They all love freedom and peace, and hope their country will be safe and secure while everyone is searching for a way out of the quagmire. They are not just demanding a change in government, but also a major shift in philosophy. They are all sick and tired of war and the rumors of war. They will not volunteer their children to another civil war. Nor will their children fight. 

Let Us Silence The Guns: Eritrea Needs More Poets and Storytellers 

The logic of the zero sum game is archaic and destructive�irrespective of which side wants to play it. The peaceful way can work if we prepare for it as much as we prepare for war.  Essential to its success is a clear vision, servant leadership and an unwavering commitment to see it through. The people of South Africa and Poland have shown us the way. To the enlightened and humble leader of the people, the table is mightier than the tank. To those who crave power at any cost, life is just another commodity to bargain with. The peaceful way is not the easy way, for it demands that we sacrifice our inflated egos and humble ourselves for the sake of mothers who gave birth so that one day they may be visited by their grandchildren, and fathers who believe life will not be cruel enough to make them attend their children�s funeral. The dead are not lonely�just disappointed by the living who are eager to easily forfeit another individual�s life just to impose their will. Peace becomes possible when reasonable men and women refuse to accept the devaluation of human life and demand that graves be saved for older people�and when the young continue with their foolishness, loving and hating life and believing they have infinite tomorrows to perfect love. 

When poets and storytellers are the most loved and respected citizens in a nation, there is hope�and there is a future. When guns and death rule the day, a nation is destined to have no youth and no future. Politicians with guns cannot guarantee lasting peace but more blood and fresh seeds for vengeance. To defeat a tyrant without violence, our vision of peace has to be stronger than his guns.  

Eritrea needs more poets and storytellers. Let us keep the guns silent so that we can hear their words.

Seyoum Tesfaye
Atlanta, Georgia