A few days ago I read a very interesting article at Awate.com titled: The Argument for Representative Governance in Eritrea” by Brother A/Rahman Sayed. It is a timely and well argued paper. In fact I agree with most of its contents. I wish many Eritreans and in particular our intellectuals would find time to read it, digest its contents and forward their input on the subject. I feel discussions on the topics raised by A/Rahman are way overdue. Let all of us now refocus our attention on the points ably articulated by A/Rahman**. While our compatriots inside the country may have most of what is required for this discussion they lack the main ingredient – freedom of speech, writing and assembly.  On the other hand, those of us in the Diaspora have all the freedoms and in the last couple of decades have amassed a wealth of knowledge to be able to look forward and be engaged in an intelligent and constructive manner on what is best for Eritrea.

It is worth noting that, notwithstanding some weaknesses related to the period, the only time in our history we Eritreans openly and freely discussed the future of our nation publicly was during the British Administration or pre-1952. From that political discussion the Federal Government of Eritrea was born. We had a brief period of 2/3 years when our first ‘free’ elected parliament, was able to represent the people in a semi-democratic setting. After about 1955 up to this time our rights as people to discuss and vote on our destiny have been denied to us first by the Ethiopians and later by our own leaders.   Thus, because of this lack of all forms of freedom, the instigators of the struggle did not have the benefit of an open or formal discussion with the people on ways and means of the struggle. Most important, there was no way to canvass and or get the people’s input on the final goal of the struggle.  Until the mid to late seventies, many thought the struggle was for reinstatement of the Federal status, whilst others expected confederation and yet others hoped for full independence. Worst of all there was no proper, exhaustive and free discussion before and/or even during the struggle on what type of government we wanted to have after independence.  Was it to be a federal or a unitary system of government; or did the people wish to have a democratic republic or despotic; a socialist or a communist; single party or a multi party system; or perhaps a secular or religious, parliamentary or presidential state or what?  Unfortunately there was no discussion or input from the people for what ultimately was accepted as a national program. The only fact that one can safely generalize is that there was a consensus in wanting to get rid of the Ethiopian rule.

As I mentioned earlier, during the first few years of the Federation we had tasted a semblance of freedom.  So in the minds of the founders of the Struggle, there must have been a vision that, whatever the result of their mission, it could not be less than what the original Federal agreement offered. On the other hand most Eritreans expected a better government and living standard than we could get it if we remain as a province of Ethiopia. Thus, the mantra of the struggle became “just get rid of the Ethiopians”. As for the future the Eritrean spirit of “we can do it” accompanied by brotherly trust was expected to take care of everything that came after victory. In fact, that spirit of nationalism and invincibility were the main factors which carried the struggle and “against all odds” helped in snatching our Independence - albeit at a very high human and material cost. For 30 years, during the struggle, as far as the majority of the people and the Tegadelti were concerned, all affairs were based on self-denial guided by sheer nationalism, camaraderie, a culture of trust and hope for a bright future for all. Outside this hope, nothing was formally discussed or agreed upon about the future between the people and their ‘children’ the Tegadelti.

When the armed struggle started in 1961 to rid our country of the Ethiopian rule, unintentionally we also became the vanguards and torch bearers to the other oppressed nationalities in Ethiopia.  At first we fought H.Sellasie’s regime and later Menghistu’s. We paid dearly in this effort, in fact more than all the other ‘partners’ combined. Fortunately, the outcome was the defeat and permanent dismantling of the “Ethiopian Empire”. The other nationalities, especially our Tigriyan brothers, were totally liberated from the imperial yoke. Having secured what they fought for, they have been enjoying the fruits of their success ever since. I say well for them. Sadly, fate seems not to have been fair to us Eritreans and instead it continued its cruel streak. I say this because in 1952 when we were expecting full independence from previous European colonizers (before any African nation) they conspired to dump us to the Ethiopian colonizer.  Again in this case in 1991, having sacrificed so much for over three decades to defeat the Ethiopian rule, we fell pray to a home grown dictator.  Due to our naiveté we are the only nation that is still reeling in worse misery than what existed before the struggle begun - with no end in sight, or signs for any positive change. 

It is with this as a backdrop that some compatriots remind us that, the consensus for the struggle was clearly meant until independence was won. At no time was carte blanche given to any of the movements for any period after independence. In fact, it was in every Eritrean’s mind that soon after independence, in an open and free ambiance a dialogue was expected between the citizens to build the best possible methods of governance. The leaders of the Ghedli themselves were tantalizing the people with democratic promises, until the time they ‘liberated’ Asmara. As I intimated earlier, people of my age and older tend to romanticize, the fact that, we had a legitimate Eritrean government in the early 50s. True the period was too short and freedom not complete but we enjoyed our then vibrant social life. Thus, the least we expected from any struggle was to get a government which at a minimum could be same or a little better than the one we lost under Federation. We thought it was natural to expect more when you pay more. It is sad to witness that even though we paid much more in human and material resources than anticipated, because we were too gullible and thought we could skip ‘formal’ contract with our Tegadelti (kith and kin), we were easily short shifted by their leaders. Contrary to the general expectation it did not take them much time to deny and disenfranchise the people of their basic rights as citizens. As they say the rest is history.

Factual details on the crimes being perpetrated upon our people are coming to the surface daily from eye witnesses who were present when atrocities were being committed. I am afraid the regime’s crimes so far randomly reported make only the tip of the iceberg.  The fact that we as a people seem to have been desensitized to such horrors and do not show any organized outrage, should not be interpreted that the regime will be there forever.  There are limits to people’s patience and tolerance. This wicked act can not continue this way, for much longer without retribution.  To start with Isayas’ regime lacks legitimacy. By any international measurement on governance Eritrea under Isayas hobbles between a weak and a failed state. In the eyes of the international community the respect for its sovereignty has been downgraded to an embarrassing low level. There are many indicators that the end is near. The good news is that this will happen not from forces outside but from its own inherent inertia. It is evident that like all living things regimes suffer and perish from sheer old age and decadence. In fact, the current situation of the regime reminds me of the last months of Emperor H. Selassie’s reign in Ethiopia. I lived through it and I have vivid memories of the time. My concern now is (as it was at that time) as to what will happen to Eritrea? In fact that is why I feel this is the right time to examine and open a discourse amongst ourselves on the critical issues that will confront the post-Isayas Eritrea. By the way, if not us who do we expect will be concerned about any Eritrean issues?

Now the most important question left for us is to evaluate whether we have learnt any lessons from our past sad experience.  Immaterial of how soon or how late Isayas leaves, we need to realize that he will leave Eritrea in a big mess. No constitution, no rule of law, no parliament, no acceptable replacement, no discourse, no consensus but a lot of poverty, misery, mistrust, graft, corruption and confusion.  Have we really resigned to see our beloved country in this ominous situation?  Now again are we going to just accept any ’leader’ who will be imposed on us by any mafia clique? Are we again going to surrender our rights and rubberstamp any misfit who will declare him/herself as a tyrant?  For heavens sake, this time, let us be ware.  Let us not be duped for the fourth time and repeat the mistakes of 1952, 1961 and 1991. Let us be somewhat smarter than the aspiring despots waiting like vultures to replace Isayas. Likewise, let us discourage Isayas, in case he is harboring a dream to replicate Assad of Syria or his idol Kim IL Sung of N. Korea and try to ordain his son (Abraham) as an heir apparent.  One way that this can easily happen is if our intellectuals continue with their carelessness and their deafening silence with their heads buried in the sand like the proverbial Ostrich. It is also possible that this very  silence and nonchalant attitudes of our intellectuals  have definitely emboldened the PFDJ opportunists and sycophants.

Naturally, it is a lot easier to build a bridge before the flood.  Let us repair and build our social bridges before the arrival of any upheaval. Isayas’ dictatorship, like all other dictatorships, is incapable to do anything constructive. Isayas has destroyed the Eritrean social capital that was created through decades of peaceful living and struggling together.  Dictatorships are very good at creating slogans only.  By diktat “Hade Hzbi Hade Libi” has become the slogan of the regime and its blind supporters. I wish the slogans were true. But for this to be true conditions have to be present so that the spirit of unity is planted and nurtured for the benefit of the people and by the people themselves.  Wishful thinking or deceit and coercion by the regime can not create genuine unity.   Contrary to the spirit of the slogans, for his own sinister ends Isayas muzzled all forms of association, discourse and dialogue between the people. This is practiced both inside the country using his draconian security services and amongst the Diaspora with the help of his embassies, consulates, paid informers and enforcers.  Naturally, this suppression of all forms of free communication has been hindering the unification of Eritrean communities.   Instead, and as intended by the regime, it has become its most efficient instrument in its evil plan of divide-and-rule programs.  Worse still, this phenomenon has become a fertile ground for fanning minor misunderstandings between groups to fester and infect the social fabric of our population every where.

Thus, in a spirit of brotherhood and reconciliation, we need to mend bridges between our peoples to facilitate efforts for a smooth progress in the future.   Before it is too late there are many important issues to brainstorm and discuss amongst ourselves. We can learn a lot from each other in a respectful and relaxed atmosphere, because ultimately ours is a common goal – a more positive future for our dear country.  As Martin L King said “We have two options when faced with such problems. We can act like a thermometer and merely make a record. Or we can act like a thermostat and correct what is wrong”.   It is time for all of us in the Diaspora civic and political organizations to stop talking and start action. Together we have the power to correct the mistakes committed by the regime and bring about real change in our country.  At the very least if not able to immediately influence the desired regime change, we can positively influence to change the minds of most of our compatriots.

That is why I like A/Rahman’s article, because it is thoughtful and forward looking. That is why I feel it is timely to open the dialogue and discuss any and all of the problems that could stand in the way of our peoples’ aspirations for a peaceful and prosperous post-Isayas Eritrea.  Before the deluge, let us repair the old bridges and build new ones wherever necessary. Let us regain and invigorate the old social capital we inherited from our fathers.  Look at our neighbors especially our Somali brethren and let us learn from their misfortunes. Siad Bare left them in a mess so did Mengistu of Ethiopia. In the custom of dictators, Isayas is also bent on leaving Eritrea dysfunctional and in total chaos. Our problems may not be similar, but if they are left unresolved in a similar manner the consequences may degenerate to an unnecessary level.   We live in a tough neighborhood and we need to be doubly smart (perhaps like Djibouti) to survive in peace and prosperity amongst ourselves. We in the Diaspora as opposed to our brethren at home have all the luxuries, the full freedom and the wherewithal to do what is good for our country.  Our brother A/Rahman has given us enough material in his article to open a meaningful and continuing dialogue.

Taking the important question of the constitution, for instance A/Rahman seems to applaud the 1952 Constitution.  He enumerates many articles in the constitution that he favors.  He believes that the discussions that preceded the 1952 Constitution were more inclusive than those of 1997. On the other hand, even though he has some reservations about the 1997 Constitution, he maintains that, given the present situation of lawlessness, he would rather have it. In fact A/Rahman may have a good point when he suggests that the two documents can serve as “a starting point towards setting up a legitimate constitutional system of governance”. Remember a lot of Eritrean intellectual and financial assets have been invested in drafting both constitutions. So what say you?

A/ Rahman has detailed his arguments on many pertinent topics divided into seven sections.  For instance, he proposes a Transitional Government that includes even the current PFDJ government. Here I feel he is being too generous and optimistic for my estimation. In my earlier articles on the same subject I too have been inclusive but, not the regime per se but of individuals who represent the “liberal or democratic” wing of PFDJ. I feel there are many and it is essential that such individuals, once they disassociate themselves from the regime be included or a place be reserved for them in any planned Transitional Government. In any case I agree with A/Rahman that the tent in the Transitional Government should be as inclusive as possible to accommodate all the components of the Eritrean society.

So let us pick up the challenge and begin a hearty dialogue necessary to build the desirable institutions of law, governance and liberty. Let us all step up to the plate with our constructive and judicious suggestions and comments and be counted in saving our nation. This is the time for all of us and especially those who are lucky enough to be able to contribute intellectually, to come to the rescue of their motherland. For starters, show your interest and support by actively participating in the discourse just started by Br. A/Rahman, or if you have your new ideas come out with them and let them flourish here.  Please do it and, do it now.

Finally, I would like to assure you of my strong belief that all is up to us to correct what is wrong in Eritrea. What is wrong is an open secret and it is there for the whole world to see. They can hide nothing; our country’s survival is on the precipice. That is why we should deny Isayas from leaving our country in shambles. Let us try to save it. I repeat we have the power to change the destiny of our nation.

May peace, prosperity and the rule of law reign now and forever in Eritrea.

** In the interest of transparency I would like to state that Br. Abdul Rahman Sayed and I are members of a worldwide civic organization called CDRiE (Citizens for Democratic Rights in Eritrea). CDRiE’s objective is to peacefully struggle for the rule of law in Eritrea. However, neither article represents CDRiE’s official stand on the subject.