It has been fifteen years since Eritrea formally declared its independence as a sovereign nation-state. The price paid was immeasurable:  especially for over a decade and a half, Eritrean as well as Ethiopian blood had indiscriminately intermingled, overflowing the streams, the mountains, and the rugged deserts of Eritrea.

The idea of the referendum was presumed by the TPLF leaders as a catalyst for peace and stability in the region. Although the underlying authoritarian nature of EPLF and TPLF was known well before they took power,  the referendum was also seen by some opportunist/naive—depending on how one takes them—Ethio-Eritrean intellectuals as a watershed in the possible transition to a confederation.¹ The last ten years of bitter experience,  however,  has revealed an Ethio-Eritrean  relationship,  marked by a  deadly instability.  Since the 1998-2000 bloody and devastating military confrontation, the proxy war between the twin tyrants—Isaias Afwerki, the dictator in Asmara² and Meles Zenawi ,  the umbilical-cord of the US imperialism in the Horn of Africa—has increasingly engulfed the entire region,  apparently with no hopeful signs for a peaceful exit. The brutal war and the unwarranted civilian deportations by both regimes has left behind a deep scar that may complicate future relations between the two countries .³

But what is sad and even more complicating is the current discouraging political environment surrounding Ethiopia. Within the Ethiopian political scene, we observe

today,  individuals, groups, and political organizations,  for which the independence of Eritrea still remains a bitter pill to swallow.  Although there are others, I have in mind particularly the minority group that recently walked out from EPRP extraordinary Congress – a group which presumptuously calls itself “EPRP—Democratic.”

In its recent issue of ‘Democracia’, the group published a public statement regarding its position on Eritrea. To quote: 

“EPRP-Democratic does not recognize the existence of an independent Eritrea.  Ethiopia and Eritrea are not two separate countries.  Eritrea was and still is part—province-- of Ethiopia. ”⁴ 

Accordingly, it concludes:  

“There is no border dispute at all, as Eritrea is not a separate and independent entity.” ⁵ 

Reading the group’s statement was an achingly painful experience. I would not be exaggerating at all if I claimed that the authors of those provocative words have indeed grossly abused the concept, democracy, when they affixed the term to their organization. If TPLF were to deploy a military force to reincorporate Eritrea, we ought not be surprised if such kind of individuals, groups, and political organizations, rushed to join—what would be—a reckless war adventure.

It is a reckless adventure to deny what has been a fifteen-year old realty: The sovereign existence of Eritrea-- sanctioned as such by the entire international community. On the contrary , what matters on the ground—having the long-term constructive vision in mind—is to engage tirelessly in creative efforts to entice the Eritrean  people to come back under a peaceful and democratic process—a process that essentially values their humanity and also strongly underlines our sisterhood and brotherhood with them .

We lost Eritrea to a ruthless tyrant simply because there was incomprehensible lack of democratic thinking and practice in Ethiopia--where debilitating intrigues, conspiracies, and double-talk prevailed; indeed, to repeat that kind of behavior to day would not be a tragedy, but a comedy.

As sad as it may be for some of us, the independence, or the separation, of Eritrea is a reality; and only the hopelessly incorrigible chauvinists would deny it. The rare wisdom of our dear ancestors, that ‘The neck was created to enable us to turn in order to look at what is at the back ’—the latter as a metaphor for the past--- ought, indeed, to be instructive for the leaders of ‘EPRP-Democratic.’  On the other hand, it is the duty of serious democratic Ethiopians to expose such destructive elements— totally uprooting their movement from the bud.

A close reading of the Ethio-Eritrean history ought to convince us that there are—apart from rational economic factors—deep historical, cultural, and social, repertoire to render Ethio-Eritrean reunion less difficult and a happy historical encounter.  It is only a matter of time.

What is critically missing is the habit of democratic thinking and practice.  The democratic process is the surest road to a happy reunion!  With the permanent removal of the obstructing regimes of Isaias and Meles, and equally, the early preemptive measures that would successfully frustrate the rise of similar regimes, the Ethio-Eritrean democratic Reunion could hardly be a far fetched dream – and not only is the project feasible,  but also the struggle towards that end is a noble cause .⁶

As I suggested elsewhere⁷, the Ethio-Eritrean organic intellectuals—those who deeply care for the welfare of the people---could decidedly intervene to make history by uncompromisingly unleashing the war of ideas: the critical and timely struggle for a paradigm shift.

The struggle of the Ethio-Eritrean ‘Wretched of the Earth shall triumph!’

Notes

1.  See Amare Tekle, Eritrea and Ethiopia: From Conflict to Cooperation [July 1994].

2. For my open public critique of Shaebia in the past--well before it took power--I have been ruthlessly vilified—let alone by other Eritreans—by some members of my very own extended family, who dearly longed –as it is said—for ‘not even a single person to show up for my funeral’.  Today,  I have sometimes wondered what those same relatives may think under their own, current,  miserable ‘ funeral ’, engineered by a ruthless dictator whom they once worshiped blindly as the George Washington of Eritrea—indeed,   ‘Live and Learn !’

3. In a rather unwarranted and cruel fashion --alien to the Ethiopian tradition—Dr Samuel Assefa had tried to justify the expulsion of largely innocent Eritreans residing in Ethiopia--- Eritreans, incidentally, who were among the first builders of modern Ethiopia. Ambassadorship to the USA was the reward for his opportunistic and servile service to Meles.  See his article, “On Deportations”, Addis Tribune, May, 1999.

4. See Democracia, vol. 3, # 1 [January 2000, Eth. Calendar]:1-6.  The quotes are my own translation from Amharic.

5. Ibid.

6. I have dearly longed for a fine morning—when the sun is shining---to listen to the Tigrigna song of the forties and fifties that goes: ‘Oh bus, for whom the dollar is a fixture, please don’t depart without me. ‘The highland Christian Eritreans have historically seen Ethiopia as a source for employment and schooling; and since the forties, they have been moving southward to Ethiopia—the point of attraction; and the song reflects that. Even the Eritrean Moslems—despite their marginal status in the Ethiopian life--were not entirely resistant to live within Ethiopia. Their acceptance of the ‘Federal arrangement’ of 1952 strongly underlines their willingness to live within Ethiopia, as long as the latter was democratic. During the constitutional debate over the ‘Federation’, the struggle of Ibrahim Sultan--demanding for a full democratization of the ‘Federal arrangement’, including his demand for the modification of the Ethiopian flag which was obviously bearing Christian symbols----- was indeed a noble cause.

7. See my “Open Letter to the organic intellectuals across the Horn of Africa.” in Assimba.com, Debteraw.com, or Awate.com. 

*The author has Ph. D in political science and teaches African Studies and is the    Head of African-American Studies at York College, The City University of New York.