In order to give you a detailed report, I have poured out most of my observation here. Please be prepared to read an exceptionally long report.

Introduction

Until recently, I prided myself in believing that I was more informed than the average person was. After all, I had regular contacts in frequent telephone and face-to-face conversations with the leaders and the regular members of the organized opposition; I knew most of those involved and those wholly dedicated to the struggle; I am engaged in the Eritrean media...how could I not have considerable insights about the workings of the opposition camp? Until recently--until my visit to Addis Ababa, this is what I believed.  

The questioning began last year, when the EDA decided to throw rotten tomatoes at our faces in its February 2007 meeting.  Whatever I thought I knew could not explain what was happening. With due apologies to all those I talked to over the years, I have not heard any of them admit to a mistake or remotely being part of it. According to them, (individually) it was always their partners in the EDA who were the cause of the problems, and that they were innocent souls bleeding over the failure of the EDA to own up to its problems. 

I was lost trying to identify the real problem. I had to see, first hand, their body language, their attitudes, their mannerism and their level of dedication to the cause.

And that is why, loaded with questions, eager to learn more and be informed, that I, together with the Eritrean Solidarity (EGS) delegation, travelled to Addis Ababa in the beginning of May 2008 to attend the "Uniting congress of the EDA."  

I had mixed feelings about the whole travel. It has been exactly ten years since the Ethiopian government decided I was persona non-grata when it deported Eritreans en mass.  It has been exactly ten years since my last visit to Addis Ababa.  I didn't know what to expect.

The Travel

I boarded the Emirates Airlines jet from New York for a 13-hour flight to Dubai. There, we met generous and gracious friends who maintain authentic Eritrean hosting traditions. They took our delegation (EGS) on a three-hour tour of the city that lasted until well past midnight with a huge dinner at a restaurant.  

The impression I had about the port city, which was a sleepy fishing (and pearl diving) port four decades ago, cannot be described in this article. Dubai didn't become Singapore, New York and Paris in name only: it became Dubai establishing its own identity among the modern cities. I couldn't help but compare the policies of its liberal government to the policies of the PFDJ that prides on fighting against free market economy, prosperity, stability and "the pursuit of happiness."  But that is another topic. 

The next day, the EGS delegation boarded another Emirate Airlines to Addis Ababa. Three hours to the flight, we flew over the Red Sea, over Bab El Mendeb and, looking down to the ground through the window, I saw an open, endless desert that looked like Rahya Abbai in the Barka river valley. The desert straddling the Eritrea-Djibouti border looked similar to what Dubai might have looked like a few decades ago. It is worth fighting for, "every inch of land counts" to Eritrea as Dan Connell told the New York Times recently.  Maybe someday it would be like Dubai and real estate might sell for $200 per sq. foot. Every inch of the desert between Eritrea and Djibouti counts. Every scoop of sand matters. The PFDJ doesn't want to give away even a scoop of sand and is willing to waste countless lives of youth whose blood will not even be there to see after it is swallowed by the dry sandy desert. It is a cycle of confrontations; now is the turn of Djibouti.

But I move on; rather, the airplane flies on. And we arrive at Addis Ababa.  

To The Red Cross Conference Complex At Saris

Driving to the conference complex with a friend who received us, I hardly recognized the streets I saw ten years ago. I was dumbfounded by the construction boom in Addis Ababa. Bridges, housing complexes, roads, office buildings, hotels, villas, shopping malls—yes, shopping malls--and many, many people. Traffic, as in any boomtown, is pathetic, a price of development. And, like any third-world country, there are lots of beggars and street children. But where is the money for the construction development coming from? It is not important. It could be from the World Bank, EU, and a host of international funders and investors, both local and international. The investors that the PFDJ chose to antagonize could well be there. Diaspora Ethiopians are chasing the moneymaking machine in their country together with local businesspeople who are competing, while the modestly funded small hustlers are struggling to find a spot for themselves in this zeben wrra-wrra type of atmosphere, the great opportunity. A frenzy of economic activities that are supposed to help a country stand on its own feet. I felt sorry for my Eritrea when I saw shop-fronts many times the number of Italian-owned Campocitato shops Asmarinos prided themselves on. I felt jealous. Yes I did. 

At the conference complex, reached through torn, potholed streets, through a construction site for a huge maze of flyovers, and streets running under them, interchanges teeming with workers and Chinese engineers, the bright green lawn was full of opposition and observer delegates from everywhere. People I haven't seen for years and people I never saw before. I sat under a tree and enjoyed a cup of tea- and a cigarette. I wanted free, uninterrupted pleasure without reading a sign telling me to "smoke 20 feet from the door" or something annoying of that nature. It was Sunday, May 4, 2008.

The Congress

The next day, on Monday morning, the opening ceremony began and delegates gave speeches, mainly formalities and niceties. A good media presence and a bunch of friends of Eritrea filled the hall. The niceties went on until lunchtime. Thereafter, a secretariat was elected, led by Dr. Habte, whose presiding of the congress proved to be, well, it just proved to be. Fortunately enough, four others assisted him. And the consultations -actually discussions- went on until Thursday night. In between, discussions about article number this and that chapter such-and-such and arguments about wording and debates interrupted by a few speakers who, true to the Eritrean spirit, simply felt good by just speaking.  They were entertained and they were entertaining.

The Charter and bylaws of the EDA were actually debated to death by the member organizations of the EDA for months before they were brought to the congress. The discussions at the congress were to chew on the agreements some more time and to swallow it regardless and say, ahhhhhh, enjoying your own saliva. It was an impeccable job (that they had agreed on all the issues before they came to the congress) and, personally, I would have blessed the outcome regardless-- it is their agreement after all. And they saved the people a lot of philosophizing and arguments. In fact, that was the best thing they did. Judging from the discussions that went on (the chewing exercise that is), and the diversity of the members (and the programs), one can easily guess how tough it must have been to agree on the charter and the bylaws. I was satisfied the moment I discovered they had agreed on all of that.

By Thursday night, the wrestling match was on, I mean the election of leaders for the EDA. There was an unsuccessful attempt to pass the issue of elections to a committee. The participants of the congress, mainly the civil societies, rejected the idea strongly. Why would the leaders pass a task they are supposed to finish to a committee? Passing an issue to a committee is a sure way of complicating it and finally killing it. No one wanted a crime there. It was rejected and the leaders of the 13 (bzHu wetabazeHu just don't fill the earth) organizations were asked to remain in the congress hall and not go out until they resolved the issue of leadership- if not, they would be denied dinner. At 8PM, the door was closed on them, an imaginary midwife went in to deliver the baby, and after 6 hours of wrangling, the EDA elected Tewelde Gebreselassie and Abdella Mahmoud. Eight hours of wrangling is proof enough that consultations do work, timetable does work, and deadlines do work. Democracy is nasty at times and, unlike copyrighted inventions, it can be altered and painted in many colors.

Once the chewed results were swallowed after midnight on Thursday, Friday and Saturday were actually smooth days. The snug and tension of elections was left behind; attitudes and behaviors changed and everyone became more positive and assumed a relaxed mood. The congress was finished on Sunday with a similar fanfare as it was opened. Between the opening and closing sessions, I learned a lot.

Perspective 

After lunch one day, I was standing with Mohammed Maar, one of the leaders of the Red Sea Affar organization. Maar was raised in Massawa and he is probably in his mid-thirties. While I was chatting with him, an Eritrean from the Barka region approach us and threw his jab:  "Saleh, please advise Maar not to work for the secession of Dankalia."

Maar took the joke with equal sarcasm and replied to him: "you are afraid we will secede? I am afraid of you seceding and joining the Sudan."

Touche. I laughed and then changed the topic into a journalist's question. 

"I know Dankalia to be the core of Eritrea; and jokes aside, there are many people, educated at that, who insult us of wanting to break away from Eritrea. It is sad," he said.

"But don't you think some have a genuine fear of Eritrea's disintegration?" I asked.

"Well, I could say the same about the Kebessa people wanting to join their next of kin in North Ethiopia and people from the Western region wanting to join the Sudan.  But who makes those who accuse us custodians of Eritrean territories and guarantors of unity?"

I talked to another young Eritrean Affari person (a military commander in his early thirties) who told me that he wants to have a say in his land. He wants to get employment opportunities in his land. And that Affari are apprehensive that their employment in the public sector is not more than 1% in their own land. And that they don't control their land and their resources. "Why should we accept being treated like second-class citizens in our own land?" he asked. I nodded in sympathy.

Nights Out

But it was not all journalizing and politics. There was networking and socializing with friends and compatriots.

Adhanom Gebremariam invited us to dinner and we went to an Arab restaurant and stuffed ourselves with delicious Yemeni cuisine. I liked the food so much that three days later, I insisted that we eat there when Beshir Ishaq invited us for dinner. After dinner, we went to another table to have mint tea. Two sips later, I discovered something floating in my cup. I fished it out to discover a tiny cockroach. Akhhhhh-tufff. I got sick and went to my hotel room. Do they have health inspectors checking the restaurants after all? They need to enforce a strict hygienic regime in those countless restaurants. They are having an excellent business and they should afford to make their places cleaner. It just takes one such experience to disappoint a happy visitor.

A few days earlier, we had tea at the Ghion Hotel with Mahmoud Derrir, the minister of tourism. He was a real gentleman and a great conversationalist.  I enjoyed his company so much, though very un-Eritrean of me, I don't mind calling him His Excellency. Had I met him again, I would have told him about the incident. Unfortunately, I didn't. He was one person I would like to meet again. But if someone reads this and wants to pass it to the minister, I would like them to ask him this question as well. Why do hotels charge foreigners more than they charge Ethiopians? They sleep at the same bed, at the same room and get the same service. Why do visitors pay thrice the amount that Ethiopians pay? What if two brothers, one a Canadian citizen and another from Gondar, wanted to share a room, how do they calculate the charge without outsmarting the regulations? This smells of a policy inherited from the old regime and it doesn't jive with the free market policies, and the aspiring tourism industry. With the tens of fancy and beautiful hotels, such price discrimination should be abolished. Hotels should compete for customers and price their services as per the type of service they offer and not act as an immigration department. I know. That is interfering in Ethiopian affairs; for this paragraph only, consider me an international travel writer.

As a traveler, I visited a few places where Eritreans used to hang out. I couldn’t find many of those I knew. But I discovered that those who are still there have mostly blended into the Ethiopian society more than they did over the decades before the war. Those who cannot afford life in Addis Ababa any more, I learned have left to the provinces. The prices have skyrocketed and no modest income will give you a good life in Addis anymore. I met a few Eritreans who are still flourishing and they are mostly keeping low profile. No more a 150-staff PFDJ embassy to herd them into meetings. They are freed from extortion. And many of those who were expelled during the border war, or who had Ethiopian passports, have now become carriers of foreign citizenships and are visiting Ethiopia again - just like me. 

There are a few young persons who fled the PFDJ rule and have joined the EDA member organizations. I met a few of those young men and woman who work at the Saghem radio program.

Yes. I was talking about the EDA before I remembered the cockroach and went into a tangent.

Grudge-Filled Old Men?

I was trying to explain that the opposition is not full of grudge-filled old men. Of course, there are old men who spent their lives in the struggle. Skilled people who could be earning a respectable living doing anything else had they abandoned the struggle and went to universities and colleges like many others. But they chose to leave their families behind (or were forced to leave them behind) and chose to struggle for a just cause. By the way, who passed the edict, the Fatwa, saying that older men should not struggle?

I asked one of those "old" men why they didn't give a chance to the younger generation to lead. He laughed and said, "this is not a relay race where one must pass the baton to a spectator at a given point."

He stated that they do not have a baton to give and that he struggles according to his abilities and that he and his colleagues are not gatekeepers of the struggle. "The field is wide open and anyone who is against injustice doesn't need the permission from the old or young to struggle," he added.  I asked a few skeptical questions, practicing the role of the devil's advocate, and got a candid response. "Aren't the civic societies struggling based on their own initiatives? Why can't people either join the political organization, the civil societies or create their own mechanism if they want?" He was a little agitated.

With a laugh, I told him that after all the members of the civil societies are not younger than him but that political leaders are expected to inspire people to join them and that they have not achieved much in that aspect. He nodded in agreement and spread his hands to the sky. He didn't say it but I understood it to mean, "we are doing what we can and those who can should help."

sltan fllega

Reading the morning newspapers (so many of them), I saw a statements from an Ethiopian opposition member- not unlike the Eritrean complaints. "sltan fllega" a man sitting beside me commented after peeking on the paper and reading the headlines.

The next time I saw Hussein Khelifa I asked him if his issue was "sltan fllega". He laughed and I felt he considered my question an ignorant remark. I asked many others and they gave me the same blank look. What I found is that "sltan delyom" or power struggle, is a tiny part of the dilemma and certainly not the main issue.

Whatever name an organizations gives to itself, whatever political garb it dresses up with, its composition is more or less (relatively) delineated along some lines-- a somewhat cohesive constituency. Probably the Kunama and Affar organizations are the only ones who call a spade a spade and declare their constituency openly. The rest, however they try to hide it, there is at least one major social or political strain to their groupings. But however some detractors may deny that the EDA organizations lack representation, I couldn't deny the fact that those groups express the anxiety, fear and aspiration of their constituencies. In brief, these organizations are not suspended in mid-air: they do have constituencies. A leader confided this to me: "if a certain leader mocks my goals, ignores my grievances, how am I to trust him to lead me?" There you have the reason for the squabbles that many conclude are “sltan delyon.”

Thus, the issue is not power struggle--but mistrust and lack of mutual respect.

One of the soft-spoken men I found and unfortunately couldn't get hold of him for more conversation during my stay was Qernelious, the leader of DMLEK (Kunama). The moment the congress ended, the leaders were engaged in long meetings of their own to sort out the executive stuff. But I met a few of his assistants (all of whom were in their early and middle thirties by the way), and I didn't find any complaints apart from the fact that they are determined to fight for their rights. My findings are that as long as the other opposition groups belittle and ignore their grievance, they would be more emboldened to carry their own banner. These groups feel neglected and wronged and they are not buying the PFDJ's answer to their grievances: a song or two in the cultural troupes. Their struggle is for justice and they will not (and I believe should not) stop until they realize their rights.

To this day, I have found only a few so-called bleeding heart democrats who are willing to address the Kunama plight. Similar to the Affar, they complain of being marginalized, their lands taken and distributed to the appendages of the regime and feeling alien in their own lands. If this is not a cause to fight for, I don't know what better reason there is. Until Eritreans recognize the rights of the deprived minorities, and own the issues and grievances of these minorities, these groups are there to stay.

The members of the opposition organizations that I saw are Eritreans to the core and their focal point is Eritrea more than the PFDJ fascists who want to pass as nationalist and try to defame the opposition on any occasion.

Ethiopia’s CIA

In a meeting with an Ethiopian intelligence chief, I discovered that a few years ago his department had worked closely with some people, trying to mould an organization. Apparently it didn’t work. The project was aborted. Is there another such project in the making? I really can’t conclusively say I know of any such undertaking. If there were any, time would tell.

Intelligence units are there to do just that: intelligence work. Expecting intelligence officers to look the other way, while activities that involve their nations are going on in their land, is naivety. However, an Eritrean doesn't have to be stationed in Ethiopia to be recruited by its intelligence. One can live in Europe, America or elsewhere and be an agent of that intelligence outfit without setting foot in Ethiopia. To think that PFDJ, Sudanese, Saudi, Yemeni, Ethiopian and other intelligence units do not have operatives in the region is ignorance. We can even go a little further: to think that the PFDJ itself is not penetrated (at different levels) by regional and international intelligence is also ignorance. But it should not be a never-ending sequel of paranoia, similar to the PFDJ-polluted Eritrean arena, where every opponent is a spy of foreign agency. Therefore, unless there is something that can be proved, such accusations are simply empty and are promoted for political gain against those whom one doesn't like.

What I found in the open is that Ethiopian authorities, as well as the EDA, recognize that their relation is strategic and aim at having good neighborliness based on peace and mutual respect. Here, only the naïve would assume that Ethiopians would be more concerned about Eritrea than about Ethiopia; and the more naïve would assume equal footing. But considering the mercurial nature of the Sudanese government, and its predecessors who shamelessly disarmed, jailed, expelled and handed over Eritrean combatants to successive Ethiopian governments, the EDA has to make the most out of its presence in Ethiopia. True, the ideal base of the opposition should be inside Eritrea; but the brutal police state doesn't tolerate its own supporters let alone its opposition who are not going to establish bases in the moon anytime soon. The only place available is Ethiopia and they should be grateful they are welcome to operate there. Having said that, in the words of Beshir Ishaq, "if any of those who object the presence of the opposition in Ethiopia would like them to move, say, to Europe, they should, out of goodwill, help the EDA get a foothold in any Western country." He was genuine in saying that; I wished it were sarcasm. Those educated, connected, wealthy and able Eritreans living around the world are surely able to help the EDA secure that kind of alternative.  Let's go to work and put our words into action--- or hold your peace.

Again, talking about the young…

I met with the leaders of one of the two newest members of the EDA: Eritrean Islamic Congress. "You are supposed to be old and illiterate" I commented to Hassen Salman.  He has a doctorate and I assume he is no more than forty. "I will be old soon in this struggle," he said with a smile. His deputies, Idris Showshen (masters degree) and Ramadan Mohammed Nur (masters degree), both in their mid thirties, are unfortunately for some, neither illiterate, nor old, nor grudge-filled haggard people. Just young people full of determination to reclaim their rights.

I went into deep discussion with them and what I learned was that they want protection from undemocratic secular extremists. I understood their concern because I have seen enough bigots and hypocrites who wear the garb of democracy as a veil to impose their extremism on others. 

Every morning at the complex we stayed, we had to wake up before the roosters crow because on one side of the complex were a church and a mosque. The call to prayer, adzan and the church bells, were our wake-up ambience and it made me nostalgic for Eritrea.  And a reminder that we have conservative people in Eritrea; we have religious people in Eritrea. As any sane person could understand, they are not going to roll over and die simply because extremist secularists want them to. No religious person, and no conservative person, be it a Muslim, an Orthodox, a Pentecostal, a Jehova Witness or anyone else would be tamed by coercion, a feat the PFDJ has failed on.  In a democratic setting, no one can tell conservative people what should matter to them and what shouldn't; what should pain them and what shouldn't. Claimed democratic credentials lose their credence when their claimants shun dialogue and avoid any attempt to understand what the grievances of other people are. Empty sloganeering, "inclusive and democratic platform" will not do the job. Unless one can address such grievances in a national platform, one has no moral authority to deny others the right to struggle for their rights.

I remembered the late Sabbe.

Sabbe was defamed, his character was assassinated and he was fiercely attacked because he asserted his identity and fought for the rights of all Eritreans within the confines of the country. He established contacts with Arab and Muslim countries that were threatening to some. Now that Isaias has discovered the value of allying with Arab and Muslim countries, we have him alleging that this is not new because Khomeini prayed for the Eritrean struggle during Friday prayers. This is the same man who ignited a fire that is still raging in Eritrea by his hate messages of the early 70s! Jihadis! Muslims! I can only comment with one word: Hypocrite

Religious Eritreans have their grievances, years of subjugation by the communists, leftists and atheists and bigots. They want their religious rights: freedom of belief as per the human right declarations and as per the religious freedom clause of any democratic constitution. They just refuse to relegate religion to the sidelines as of it is a Boy Scout grouping. It is a political issue that must be democratically solved by accommodation, discussion, debate and other peaceful means. Rejection is not going to solve the problem.

When we had dinner with Adhanom Gebremariam, he had summarized the state of the Eritrean opposition and in that context, he stated his vision about how the diversity should be addressed:  "The Eritrean opposition chose dialogue and accommodation instead of exclusion and confrontation." I also came to know that he stated this motto at a meeting with the US ambassador. This is an Eritrean choice and those who want to exclude whole social forces don't know what they are calling for. I agreed with Adhanom. This came in a conversation over tea, after dinner, in the Arab restaurant; it was the next time that I found the disgusting cockroach.

I also met the EDP delegation, Tesfamichael, Ambassador Mohammed Nur, Hamid Drar and Haj Abdennur (who was in the preparatory committee). The oldest of them, I mean the youngest, could be either Haj or Hamid Drar. They were both very helpful in the congress. Both bilingual, they helped the communications among the members and their translation services could only be rivaled by Abdella Mahmoud, the leader of the EDA who probably interpreted about three-fourth of the time. His style and character earned him the nick smooth operator from Semere, the EGS chairman.

But the issue here is what I sometimes hear being said about the ex-PFDJ, EDA members. I have heard some who try to question the sincerity of these organizations simply because they were part of the ruling regime. In fact, any opposition should rejoice that these groups have joined hands with their brothers and sisters to struggle towards ending the life of the oppressive regime in Eritrea. No one can deny the fact that these members have name-recognition and more knowledge about the workings of the regime. Their positive contribution to the struggle should be recognized: they can be an effective bridge to Eritreans inside Eritrea. Simply put, their sincerity is being questioned by those who are contributing the most in the campaign against the unity of the EDA.

Then I talked to the ELF-RC and ELF and the Salvation. Together with EPM, I don't see why these organizations are not one. In fact, judging from the fragile sensitivity of some members of these organizations, I can only say it must be part of the misunderstanding. One doesn't expect petty sensitivities to be carried by such organizations with old experiences. Maybe the bitter experience of the past is haunting them and they see any innocent, unintended gesture, as targeting them. But it is minor and I hope it will be treated as such.

I still don't see why the People's Congress, AlKhalas, and Eritrean Congress cannot be one. I don't see why Saghem, Federalists, Kunama and Affar cannot be one. Three, impactful, cohesive and strong groups would go a long way towards augmenting the performances of the EDA. I believe that is the next thing that should be pursued - together with the immediate task of the planned national conference.

I raised this issue with Khalil Amer, Hamid Turki and Tahir Shengeb as well. I didn’t see any objection from them. As for the commitment of the three leaders to play by the democratic rules, and be willing to abide the result of the ballot box, I can say that I believe them.

To avoid disrupting the spirit of unity, and improve the dynamics among the EDA members, some groups should consider the following: stop insinuating that the whole Eritrean Diaspora is their militia; and that they are the favorites of the West; and that they carry a stick they wag at the other organization who can’t boast of such influence. I think many of us know that those claims, if actually made, are hallow; as the Egyptians say, all Eritreans know “the barrel and its cover”, albeer weqatahu.

A few Nights with Herui

Two friends and I had the pleasure of a-night-in-town with Herui Tedla. If Herui were a university professor, I wouldn't miss any of his classes as a friend commented. I haven't seen anyone with his depth of knowledge about Eritrean social and political issues. I have met Herui many times before but this one was exceptional because I spent so much time with him. He is an excellent conversationalist. And he is young at heart- "Jiovano al coure." I think his heart is decades younger than his actual age. I gave my views to Herui which I believe he would consider if not fully accept. So far, he has not let me down. Thank you Herui.

It was in one of those evenings before I met Herui for tea that I was walking on Bole road, on a bright afternoon, and I stepped into an open manhole. Luckily, I was not hurt. But while pulling my leg out, I peeked in, and at the bottom of the hole I could see a skeleton of a cat- it could be a dog- and an Egyptian mummy wrapped in white, brownish abu-jedid cloth. The hole is that old. If that had happened in any American city, I would sue the city government. I forgot about suing when I saw another man who had fallen by a ditch, on the side of the main street, and injured his head. He was drunk. It was not the mistake of the city but his own. He is supposed to watch for potholes and coverless manholes. Why would a store, a restaurant, or any business look into an open manhole, every morning, and not do anything about it? Then why is there a lack of entertainment (I mean innocent entertainment) in Addis Ababa?

I forgot to tell this to the PM: The EPRDF should seek the expertise of their ex-ally the ruler of Eritrea. He could show them how they can issue swift proclamations. If they want to follow their parliament none-sense, they had better issue an educational pamphlet instead: there should be another form of entertainment in Addis Ababa apart from drinking and dancing every night. I looked at the newspapers and there was no activity worth mentioning. So, the people swarm the nightclubs and get drunk. I am sure some are cult worshippers who should be there every night screaming and shaking to the wee hours of the morning. No one can tell me those people go to work the next morning, they just sleep wherever they think is home. When you talk to any of them, they go, “unh?” holding their ears. They lost their hearing the previous night. People between the age of 20-40 (and with money) are victims of this malady. Again Ethiopian affairs. Pardon.

I stop here. But before I do, I would like to ask one question: “Where are the Ethiopian civil societies that are supposed to check manhole covers?”

Eritrean Civil Societies

Naturally, civil societies should be planted inside Eritrea; given the fact that Eritrea is a police state, that is not possible. However, the civil societies in the West are still acting as single issue pressure groups and not as a broad based, all-inclusive real civil societies, with the exception of a few.. I was elated to have met the NECS delegation. We had the opportunity of meeting representatives from refugee camps, writers, and the delegation from Australia who took it upon themselves to travel to Shimelba and bring us an extraordinary report of the situation up there. The EGS delegation had entertained a project to alleviate some problems in Shimelba. I hope the project is discussed and unveiled soon.

The Eritrean Diaspora delegations to the congress carried out extensive TV and Radio interviews; even Teklai Abraha fished out his hidden Amharic and shined in explaining many things. Oh, they had an interview with an Ethiopian media outlet! 

We also met with the US embassy officers at the embassy and briefed them on what our observation of the EDA congress was. As usual, they were very attentive to what we said and listened with interest. I wish I told them a Tigre saying: Haqo tHameka tHanjer –they might as well play the role they are accused of by the PFDJ. I wish the USA could base its policy on Eritrea on that timeless Tigre saying.

Oh No. We met the Ethiopians!

I think the EPRDF should pass another proclamation: ‘Starting today, no Ethiopian is allowed to eat raw meat.’ I didn’t eat raw meat; I sat close to many who did.

The village is called Dukem. Freshly slaughtered bulls, their bloody red meat covered with a thick layer of white fat, dripping blood, were displayed on hooks to be had. I drove there with two friends who were speculating on real estate in the region- a huge industrial area underdevelopment. “Three kilos of meat” they ordered. Imagine having a kilo of meat for lunch! Mine was well done, almost burned. I avoided looking to the table on my side where some drivers were eating raw meat.

But we had the opportunity to meet with many authorities and see their perspectives and learn about the state of the opposition. A meeting with Sebhat Negga was thought provoking.  He asked, "Some Eritreans demand the implementation of a constitution; is the lack of a constitution the cause or the effect of your problems...?" Now that has been my view all along and he didn't make it any easier on me- how could I have a similar view with a top "Weyane"! Another gentleman I had the chance to meet was Bereket Simon, a soft-spoken intellectual who invited us to dinner in his house. When I met him a second time, I complained of the slow Internet connection in the city. He explained that they had installed 10,000 Kms. of fiber optic network in Ethiopia and they are trying to solve the bottleneck in connecting to the outside world, which, now, is going through Sudan and Djibouti. He also told me of a program where 600 high schools are connected through microwaves and Cisco routers to receive simultaneous instructions.

Microwaves?  "Do you have micro dams?" I asked him. They don't. I was happy. Eritrea has. Then he mentioned that by the end of the year they would produce 2000 megawatt of electricity, up from the present 800.

Then there was Hebour Gebrekhidan, a senior EPRDF member and contact of the EDA. You might remember that this website, awate.com, had a couple of editorials mentioning him.  He explained to me the problems with the EDA as per his perspective and his views on how to go about the problems. It was an insightful discussion and I learned a lot from him.

As many of you have seen, I also had the opportunity to interview the Meles Zenawi. Similar to all the authorities I met, he was very gracious with his time, respecting in his character and generous with his humility. I was expecting strict ground rules when I went to his office for the interview. No one told me of any rule. I was just left free to ask and do what I felt was proper. The PM’s office director, Gebre, was very helpful and I thank him and Hebour for making the interview possible. But after reading the interview, a considerable number of readers were disappointed I didn’t ask any question regarding the border. Here is my reply:

Before the interview, I researched the interviews that Meles Zenawi gave to the press. I wanted to avoid redundancy and I short-listed about fifty questions, which I decreased to thirty, and then to the number of questions you saw. In preparing the questions, I selected the type of questions that would interest awate's readers. Then, almost everyone knows what Meles’ response on the border are- it is an overdone subject and an overused issue. Now that we had another border war with Djibouti, maybe some would understand that we should not keep the nation hostage to border issues. The border issue with Ethiopia is a legal issue, it is resolved legally, and I don’t believe we should be hoodwinked into being absorbed by border crisis of which the PFDJ has an ample supply.

On the practical side, I am trying to get some documents with information on the border-- what is the net loss/gain in territories and population? What villages are affected, etc? Once I get those documents, and I hope I do, we will share it with our readers and that would be more informative than an interview reply to the question. In short, I didn’t foresee any benefit in the border question. If some of you are disappointed, I am sorry.

Coming from a struggle background, the officials of the Ethiopian government seemed to be pragmatic; but they also seemed restless on how to deal with the Eritrean opposition. For one, the multi-channel relations with the opposition are not helping the EDA become an effective organization and the multi-channel communication is spreading the sense of suspicion and mistrust. Some organizations are perceived as close to the Ethiopians than others.

But the Ethiopians are in a dilemma as explained by Seyoum Mesfin, the Ethiopian Foreign Minister: "if we get close, we are accused of interference; if we keep our distance, we are accused of negligence." It is so and I sympathize with the Ethiopians because I feel the same in dealing with the opposition. The following might help: 1) Periodic (more frequent) open discussions between the Ethiopians and the EDA to listen to misgivings to solve them before they fester into rumors 2) Channeling all assistance and dealing with all through the EDA by stopping (or limiting) dealing with individual organizations 3) Keeping the relations through the Foreign ministry of through the EPRDF only.  

Fences, Ethiopian Reporter, etc.

On my last day, I met Amare Aregawi, the founder of the Ethiopian Reporter (aka The Reporter). I had met Amare over a decade ago and I remember asking him if his paper was a leftist, a right winger or something else. “End’EE,” he had said with a smile not wanting to brand himself. The Ethiopian Reporter was then housed in an old building in a secluded neighborhood. I have been reading the reporter online and I still find it in the dead center, and promoting freedom of speech in a commendable way. As a business, Amare and his newspaper have come a long way. I was impressed by his fully automated outfit in a posh Bole building (never mind the six flights of stairs with no elevator to his offices where I lost a few kilos). Amare has also established a new center concerned with the study of freedom of press and expression in the Horn of Africa. Again, for the umpteenth time, I felt jealous. This is where the young Eritrean press would have been if not strangled by the PFDJ at birth.

Around the conference complex at Saris, there was no corner without an alert police guard. The place seemed like a fortress and I felt safe but at the same time intimidated by the presence of a big police unit. But in a day or two, I made a few friends with the policemen and I heard their aspirations, their dreams and fears. Some were supportive of the government, others had criticisms and grievances. Some were overly politicized; others talked about salary and benefits. One even said his dream is to go to the university: he became a police officer when he couldn't find anything else. Wow. Many of these people were not even afraid of talking like that. I couldn't help imagining that to happen in PFDJ's Eritrea.  But could those soldiers be in jail because they expressed a human feeling- aspiration, dream and disappointments?

As most of these conversations happened by the complex fence, I couldn't help thinking about some Eritrean Fence Sitters.

If the EDA would roll over, die and stop struggling, for any reason imaginable, those who believe in the cause of the struggle would continue to struggle regardless of what the EDA does. Pointing fingers at the EDA is not an excuse to do nothing. "Criticizing the EDA is not a struggle" as stated by someone in a forum. Genuine strugglers should recognize that the EDA, regardless of what they think about it, is their ally. It is not the enemy.

The EDA represents the constituencies of member organizations and it is up to the constituencies to control their organizations and, through it, the EDA.

The opposition arena is a wide umbrella that houses the EDA, non-EDA groups, media, declared opposition, civil societies and many pressure groups (you can include Adei Tekh’a and her friends who agonize in secret and the peasants of her village together with some army guys who operate clandestinely inside Eritrea.) Naturally, all these are allies. It is a cardinal rule of a struggle that allies take care of their allies. At this moment, there is only one obstacle to Eritreans: The PFDJ. All energy should be directed to it so that Eritreans can enjoy real freedom.

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