First, to the important stuff: I am overwhelmed.  Over the last four weeks, I’ve received so many telephone calls and e-mails that I felt someone has died. Indeed, there was an attempt to killing something: decency.  The tone of the messages that I received were profound- sad and angry. They gave me a chance to be reassured that the forces of good are at their best, that our time-tested tradition of decency is alive and well.   

It will be very difficult for me to individually thank the overwhelming number of colleagues, relatives, friends and Eritreans of good will, individually. But I can say that I was humbled and at times, embarrassed, by their noble gestures and encouragements. I thank them all from the bottom of my heart.

It is difficult to express the recklessness with which the known person has defamed me. Not just me, but the legacy of our revolution.  And by revolution, I don’t mean just a defamation of one sector, but all. 

A few days ago, a gentleman who identified himself as “just Berhane” called me. I asked if we know each other. “No we don’t but I know you from what you write,” he told me.

The gentleman started to speak softly, but soon became agitated. He said that he is “a veteran of the EPLF and still lives in Eritrea”. He told me that he follows awate.com regularly. He said that he read the libelous attacks on me the night before and that it hurt him so much that he decided to call me. He summed his anger by saying: “I am sad that the EPLF organization under whose banner I spent my life and buried my comrades has been so degraded that non-entities, late comers from nowhere, have become its custodians.”

About five years ago, when I started to refer to the rulers of Eritrea and their zealot supporters as ‘Skunis’ and 'Wedini’, some people felt I was being too harsh. I had a problem finding exact alternative words to describe them properly. But I didn’t have to search for alternative words anymore; time and again, they proved they are Wedinis. I was vindicated when they remained true to those descriptions: once Wedini, always Wedini.

I have to admit though that it is not new: I have been the victim of such attacks for too long but I never thought that they will get this low- especially when the attacks come from a non-entity who was introduced to Eritrea a lifetime too late. A non-entity that violated the history of all patriots who gave their lives for Eritrea; a non-entity who disrespected the proud Eritrean culture by introducing vulgarity into it; a non-entity that insulted Eritrean mothers by depicting them as non-characters who watch silently while their children are raped; a bigoted non-entity that attacks Eritrean Muslims by using the buzzword 'Jihad' as blackmail; a non-entity that desecrated the history of the ELF as that of a bunch of criminals and outlaws; a non-entity that insulted the EPLF legacy by shamelessly condoning jailing, torture and lack of rule of law; a non-entity that prides in the support of injustice and oppression; a non-entity that celebrates slave-labor.

Now to the substance of the issues:

1.  Why Does The PFDJ and Its Agents Hate You?

2.  What Exactly Happened When You Were With The ELF?

3.  Is There Any Truth To The Accusations?

4.  What Took You So Long To Respond?

5.  Are You Going To Seek Legal Recourse?

The answers to these questions are all intertwined, and I invite you to read on.  I am, as I often do, trying to address reasonable people.  I do not possess the powers of persuasion to change the minds of those blinded by hate or are bonafide members of a cult.

Origins Of Hate

In 1991, I, like most Eritreans, condoned the idea that we should give the new government the benefit of doubt.  We as a people had been given something rare, a new beginning, and we should do what we could to build our country—politically, economically and socially.

I was an active member of my community in exile (Kuwait); I traveled to Eritrea only weeks after independence through Mekelle and Zalambessa on car and foot; I was a member of the national referendum committee; debated and argued in the constitution drafting process; and even advocated the hated taxation without representation- just because I was willing to give the benefit of the doubt to a new government.  I say this not in the way our Neo-Patriots say it (to somehow elevate themselves over others), but to explain where my state of mind was in the 1990s. In time, I began to realize my misjudgment after discovering that there was nothing the regime could give the people except agonies and injustice. But back then, I joined dehai.org, an Eritrean discussion forum, in 1996 because I am, like most of you who are reading this, an Eritrean who thrives on and needs interaction with his people.

Since the time we are talking about is 12 years old, an introduction may also be in order. The topics of Dehai circa 1995-1997 dealt with literature, culture, events, campaigns, etc.  The issues of contentions were the occasional flare up about religion (or religious misunderstanding), history and historic revisionism (as in the time some people were representing well-known bandits as heroes), constitutionalism and which form of government was preferable for Eritrea. Even then, to the extent history was discussed, there was always an attempt to elevate the role of Commandis and destroy the contribution of the Eritrean Liberation Front and I (and a few others) were the nuisance that would not allow such blatant history revisionism. War was discussed only once—the Hanish Crisis—and there was no measurable difference in our responses. To my recollection, all of us expressed the view that the Eritrean regime handled the issue with care and the Yemen government was inflaming the issue unnecessarily. I wrote an article for a Kuwaiti paper condemning irresponsible Arabs who were inflaming the issue and calling for disproportionate response.

Then came 1998, and the border war. I had a big problem with the Eritrean regime (and its supporters’) disproportionate response to a skirmish. And I said so--repeatedly. For those who are interested in objective facts, the Eritrea Ethiopia Claims Commission said the same thing I said—five years later, and after tens of thousands of lives perished, were mutilated or were displaced.  In the classic PFDJ way of whitewashing history, the Dehai archives have conveniently purged postings from that period (1998-2000), but I would invite any reasonable person to read what I wrote, and what my debaters wrote to see who was right then, and who is right now.   

As the saying goes, “no good deed goes unpunished.”  The Eritrean regime took it upon itself to make an example of my refusal to go along with the prevailing groupthink. It attempted to make me stateless—to deprive me of my livelihood, to deprive my children of education and, in short, to make me beg for forgiveness. It spared nothing to intimidate me: I was threatened physically; a defamation campaign was waged and it stroked the anger of my community.

And it has not stopped yet.

Eritrean Liberation Front

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I have been in the United States now for 8 years and I have become a student of its political process because it helps me understand, in some ways, how the PFDJ works.  In the United States, there is a political approach credited to Lee Atwater and Karl Rove, two republican consultants. What these two consultants invented is this: when attacking an opponent, attack him at his presumed strength, and not his weakness. If he is proud of his military accomplishments, call him a coward. If he is proud of his environmental record, call him a polluter. Etc.   

In 2001, the Karl Roves of Eritrea attacked the G-15 by calling them cowards. A stunned Haile Derue told an interviewer, “How is it that people who have barely shot a gun accuse those renown for their military achievements as ‘cowards’?” It is a very good question. In Eritrea, we have people who were active members of the regime of Haile Selasse, of the Derg, militia sernay, commandis, and all others who discovered Eritrea in 2000, accusing those who bled for it of cowardice and treason!  

I am very proud of my service while with the ELF. I will not be drawn to bring arguments that cheapen heroic epics and astounding braveries and chronicle stories of what happened in this operation or that—I will defer to objective historians who will tell the story from multiple sources. In due time, I might do that. I am grateful to two individuals who attempted to explain what happened—but, as you can see, there is some inconsistency even with their stories because they are relying on their recollection and memories when they were very young—to narrate a 31 year old story is not easy. I am very proud that I joined voluntarily, that I struggled, and bled for my country.

But why would the Nobody bring up a 31 year old story?  Do you think this person who is so callous about the death and suffering of Eritreans actually cares about the martyrdom of members of the Eritrean Liberation Army?  Not on your life.  So why would she bring it up?  My answer in the next segment.

Any Truth To The Allegations?

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I categorically, absolutely, and in the strongest words possible deny the Defamer’s accusations.  I will not repeat them here—as they violate so many traditional and cultural standards.

They are not only lies, the Defamer and her sources (if she has any) knew them to be lies when they wrote them.

But this is the method to their madness. The Defamer and her cheerleaders are convinced that I never disclosed to American authorities that I was a member of the ELF, that I falsified my immigration papers and, therefore, would not dare put up a defense. And that is really the whole reason for bringing up ELF and inventing stories.  How wrong they are—how wrong they always are. I join Berhane in his tears—that the custodians of the once mighty EPLF are the skunis and the wedinis!

Some well-meaning writers tell me, “you started it!”  There is a difference between the political polemics—where we make strong arguments for and against our beliefs—and an outright defamation. I accused her, and people like her, of turning a blind eye to the suffering of the Eritrean people; of championing the human rights of Ethiopians and Somalis while cheering the imprisonment and human rights violations of Eritreans. She has accused me of child rape. If you cannot see the difference, well, I am afraid you are part of the problem.

What Took So Long To Respond?

In 1998, my biggest argument with the Eritrean regime was that it was impulsive; that it did not carefully weigh the outcome of its actions; that it was reckless about the civilian casualties and collateral damage that it would entail.  Now, faced with a decision to make, it would be hypocritical of me to do the same thing that I was accusing the PFDJ of.

I have chosen to deliberate and consult. I have weighed the outcome of my actions—will I sue?  If I sue, how much will it cost?  Can I count on the support of decent people? Can I win?  What will be the collateral damage—will some naive people be dragged into this fight and cause their families sufferings they didn’t foresee?  

I have deliberated, and I have decided. 

Legal Recourse

The defamer has fabricated a story whose sole intent is to ruin my reputation and to silence anyone who dare stand up against her beloved tyrant. When one is beaten so hard for so long, the nerves that carry pain die out. The recent attack would have been another beating if it hadn’t crossed the line of decency by too far a distance. It is a calculated beating from higher up and that is why it is significant. Disguised as a duel, it is a targeted attack with the hope: if we bring Saleh to his knees, the rest will learn a lesson and disappear. All those who wish to see justice in Eritrea are targeted. It is their silence that is required.

It is pretty obvious how oppressors operate. When intimidation and personal attacks do not work, and all the dirty attempts fail, gangster-like rulers most often resort to personal elimination: Assassination, in plain English. I will hate that because it will deny me the chance of witnessing the eminent demise of an unjust rule. I wish to see the jailed freed. I wish to see the tears of parents and children wiped off. I wish to see the rule of law instilled. I wish to see the God of believers, who is also exiled by the regime, returning to the country.

Bigots abound. Hirelings abound. Dead conscience abounds. People who disrespect the law abound. But the forces of good, who were beaten up for too long and made to kneel and bow down in humiliation, will rise like a Phoenix. Not a scar on their skin. Not a stain on their name. There will be nothing but thin air and lots of regret – and there are no rewards for regret, every war has its rules. Though justice is denied in Eritrea, it still is the foundation of all free societies. And it will prevail in the USA.

The zealots do not know that people stay alive on food but live on freedom; unfortunately, that doesn’t seem to penetrate their thick skulls. America is where the rule of law is exercised. It will be exercised. And there is always a Waterloo.

But this will require the help of all the forces of good. Justice is blind but, in America, it is also expensive. We are setting up a legal defense fund. If you want to, once and for all, defeat the voice of vulgarity, intimidation and libel, this is your chance to contribute and contribute generously. The defenders of vulgarity are counting on our disorganization, and our apathy—this is our chance to prove them wrong and register a victory on behalf of the thousands of Eritreans who are in dungeons by a system which is the prosecutor, the judge, the jury and the executioner.

This might very well be the showdown of the decade. Think of it: the Defamer has committed libel per se. The only way for her to win her case is to do the impossible: to prove, in a court of law, that a manufactured falsehood is the truth. And this defense is going to be put up by a newcomer to Eritrea who does not know the history of Eritrea, the contribution of the liberation organizations and their culture, and is going to rely on anonymous third-party sources who, she will soon find out, will be excusing themselves and backing away.

I like our chances.

Meanwhile

You might remember that I have declared long ago that my skin belonged to the alligator- before I wore it. The struggle shall continue, and it shall be intensified until the white flag of tyranny is raised.

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