This question should be answered by the nine nationalities (Tishiate Biheratna). According to PFDJ terminology, we no more have "nationalities" but "ethnic groups." This is probably because PFDJ is so fearful of the self-determination of nationalities that it has an extreme phobia for the word. Needless to say, it tries to hit two birds with one stone by claiming to have given the nationalities (ethnic groups) the freedom of learning in their mother tongue while on the other hand it does not permit them to practice their cultural folklore in its traditional form by adulterating its purity during the so called festivals (coin gathering rituals). My topic today is not culture but as the title implies, "Do we have exemplary leaders?"  

The Eritrean people are unlucky for so many reasons. For the simple reason of the geographical location of the land, they suffered numerous invasions of countless aggressors, colonizers and conquerors. Regardless of this, they were not able to own a Simon Bolivar, a Ho Chi Min, or even a Haile Selassie for that matter. If we examine the history of our forefathers, we only find mediocre regional leaders that never influenced Eritrea, let alone the horn. Of course, EPLF (PFDJ) has no option but to tirelessly aggrandize or embellish the achievement Degiat Wodenkiel or Degiat Bahta Hagos and feed it forcefully to the poor people. Now our great helmsman is trying to do what these leaders failed to do. Definitely, he has so many disadvantages and advantages compared to them. To name a few let's start with the advantages he misused:

Progressive Ideology:

Even if he tirelessly claims never to copy on others, he has never been original. Anyhow, the leftist ideology he tried to cement in the fighters was successful as in any other part of the world and helped the EPLF to succeed while ELF failed for reasons of its own. He cannot take this credit alone because he had the aid of all the revolutionary comrades, some of whom he liquidated. He is an ardent believer in the Stalinist theory that practices the liquidation of would-be-leaders to the letter. This did not help him since he lost so many friends, big and small, young and old. Mind you! At one time or another, there were people who even entertained the idea of receiving the bullet aimed at him in a classical Indian film manner. Alas! He lost this due to his miscalculation. The point is he claims not to copy Stalin or Mao whoever may be his mentor, but he did it even to extreme point that it damaged his image completely. Now he is hanging on a very thin thread and is doing everything at his disposal to prolong his stay in power.

Charisma:

Starting from the earlier times of ELF era, he was charismatic and he was one of the handful of fighters that went to China to learn the basics of Maoist revolutionary theory. The leaders might have regretted when a person of their own making beat them later. His main advantage was his Machiavellian technique and foxy ploy. Whereas others were naïve and took life on as-it-is and where-it-is basis, he was shrewd enough to hoodwink the masses as an oriental stoic or a devout hermit. Therefore, he never joined the informal nightclubs of Arag, Halibet, Himbol etc. that flourished in the base areas of northern Sahel. Of course, nobody knew that he was enjoying women when he went to the Sudan, Europe or Somalia. Nevertheless, nobody ever knew this secret until recently. By the end of 2001, after he made a final solution to the thorny G15 issue, he immediately started dancing as a clock and f**king as a donkey in the nightclubs and cabarets he frequented. The youth of Asmara were jokingly saying, "I am going to spend the night with merah mesri'ena at Shamrok." He was going to the extent of abusing decent housewives he met at the fashionable expo nightclubs. The misery of the people and the flowery speeches he was making on the code of conduct Eritrean Government officials should follow was in direct contradiction and, as a result, his star waned.      

The weakness of his comrades

Any leader needs ardent followers or supporters. In fact, most of the veteran EPLF leaders except for the rank and file combatants never believed in personally cult. They ardently believed that Eritrea could only be liberated through a concerted collective struggle. As long as the struggle was reaping success over its enemies (ELF, Sabe faction and Dergue) there was no problem. The leaders around him were confident and as long as he did not go too far on his mandate, it was OK for all. It was a balancing act for all. The biggest blunder, actually a crime would be be more appropriate, was when all of them tarnished their image by liquidating their comrade-in-arms (the movement of 73). Nobody ever made any evaluation on the organization's experience concerning the liquidation issue. Those people never knew that one day or another they would be hoisted by their own petard. The sad event was repeated in 1978 and the people who liquidated their comrades met their fate. The worst thing was, unlike the Menka'e case no official announcement was given to the Yemin scenario. To make a long story short, Issayas had a golden chance because he had so many people that were ready to clean his dirty linen. The third Phase, not to mention undisclosed ones, is the G15 case. As the Tigrigna saying goes, Id shenahit xenahit: these people never learned from their experience and underestimated Issayas. They waited until he slaughtered them like a meek lamb. Dem nixuhat aysediden iyu. Now we come to the remaining sycophants and boot lickers that are waiting for a nice post when the opportunity arises. After all according to the Ministry of Tourism Eritrea is a land of opportunity. They should be aware that Issayas never had a friend except stooges that he can change like a shoe at any time.

The meekness of the people

The fourth advantage of Issayas is the meek nature of the Eritrean people. Like any other people, Eritreans can be cantankerous and angry for any reason.  But collectively, they never stand up to brutality and harassment unless they find a leader. In short, no Eritrean wants to be the first to suffer. Qdum aytikun, [Don't be initiator] is the slogan. Let alone in a struggle for democracy, even during the colonial period, people were skeptical. The highlanders considered the ELF as an Islamic Movement; when the EPLF was born they considered it as an Ethiopian affiliated organization; after the dominance of EPLF, they considered all other fronts as fifth columnists and reactionaries.  And now during PFDJ's regime, they are afraid to oppose it and support the opposition organizations. They oppose and criticize the PFDJ, but only behind its back. Ask any Eritrean about his opinion of the PFDJ, he will tell you "Eziatom seb zeykonu, bzuhat menghistat r'enamo, kemziom gn yelen." A certain person was imprisoned for saying, "Adghi men qetiluwo mendef; sebke bmintay Tefi'u? bHGDEF" finally after he was released he was asked, "Seb bmintay Tefi'u?" He replied, " bHateftef". In spite of their bitterness, people have become so intimidated that they never talk their mind except during coffee ceremonies in their house or in their private cars or remote places (out of range of eavesdropping PFDJ spies. )

The border issue:

Many people say that if the border issue is settled Issayas will be forced to quit. Their problem is they don't know that Issayas's aim is not the border issue but the removal of Meles or the TPLF regime. This is a difficult job given the status Ethiopia as a nation commands in the international arena. After all, in the eyes of the world, Ethiopia is, unlike Eritrea, a big nation with so many natural resources, a long history of independence and influence. It has a system that can continue whatever political or military situation may arise. Our people don't understand this situation and believe Issayas when he tells them that "the TPLF regime's fall is right around the corner", "It is the 11 ^th hour for the Woyane", "I don't want to talk about a regime that is crumbling", etc. Therefore, according to many Eritreans (peasants, laborers), the problem of Eritrea is only the border issue and the panacea is the demarcation. Issayas, as if he has not been saying the border war will not deter us from our usual economic growth is now starting every speech he makes, Bsenki Werar Weyane lm'atawi medebatna kemti zidle kisghum sle zeyke'ale etc. [Due to the Weyane offensive, our economic plans have not progressed as desired]  Year in, year out he makes the usual claim that starts with, "medebat lm'atna ab xbuq bayta regixukwa entelo…" [Although our economic development is on firm footing...] There is always, "gn" [but] or welakwa [even though], and the poor people believe him. Anyhow, he is buying time until something he cannot control pops up and he leaves the stage for good.

The concept of democracy

The Eritrean people have a strong inkling of democracy. Unfortunately, this notion does not go over village democracy. This is not a shortcoming of their making because they never experienced anything of that sort above the village level. If a degiat or a mislene of a wereda gives an order, they were doing it to the letter for millennia. In such a situation, when the first democratic government was established during the federal period, they did not help the fledgling baito in its saber rattling with the imperial representative Endalkachew. (Ref. "Kab Matenzio ksab Tedla", Alemsegehed Tesfai). The most surprising thing is that no mentally fit Eritrean asks why we can't appreciate and crave for that model institution. EPLF exploited that period to the maximum in its political indoctrination, but now it never wants it to be mentioned let alone present it as a topic of discussion. Had Ethiopian obstruction not succeeded, Eritrea would have been an exemplary democratic nation. In 1991, I asked an elderly man about his opinion on his democratic right that we have independence now. He replied, "What are you talking about, my son? People should do what their government tells them, except that the leader should be a righteous man. Inspite of this I am afraid you will have problem in governance because you are youngsters." Issyas is lucky, I thought. Traditionally, Eritreans believe in Zebereqe xehayna Zinegese nigusna. [whichever rises is our sun and whoever reigns is our king.] EPLF tried its best to destroy this saying, now it is trying to preserve it as an important relic.        

To conclude, had Issayas used all these advantages constructively, he would have been a magnanimous leader and could have made great achievement for himself and the nation. A wise leader is able to change his disadvantages into gains or benefits by arousing the potential of his people. Eritrea is a poor country by many standards but its poverty is not material or physical poverty but the poverty of constructive thinking (diknet nay hangol). Here in Eritrea , the people who can make so many changes are spending their time gossiping in cafes and bars because they were alienated from constructive engagement. Traders and businessmen who contributed greatly in the liberation and reconstruction of the nation were considered Shylocks and forced out of the country because they outsmarted the Red Sea Trading Corporation in the free market. The astonishing thing is that those same people have become unique businessmen to the extent of being commended by the leaders of the respective nations they have migrated to. (Rwanda, Angola, Uganda, Juba). 

Eritrea as a small nation with limited potential should have used its human resources to the best of its capacity. Thanks to our (high-minded and considerate) leader, the rich and the poor, old and young, learned and illiterate are leaving the country en masse. The poor people are hopefully saying, Amlak yexebqelna!!!