The history of civilization and progress has been the history of change and evolution from the arbitrary to the orderly; from the incomprehensible to the predictable.  This search for constancy, for comprehension affects all spheres of our lives�including that of self-governance as it relates to our material and spiritual world.

Constitutionalism vs. Unconditional love

We won�t spend a great deal of time talking about the spiritual world (it makes our hyper-secular readers nervous) other than to say that the story of Adam and Eve is partially the story of the consequences of breaking a contract.  Another point: Moses, who is looked upon as a prophet by our monotheistic faiths (Judaism, Christianity, Islam), is reported to have entered into a covenant with God: in exchange for God looking with favor upon his people, they would declare to have no other gods but God.  (The word �testament� is said to be a synonym for covenant.)  There are�and there were�consequences for breaking this bond.

Similarly (but not identically), the whole basis of constitutional governments is about a covenant (a �social contract�, Locke called it) willingly entered into by two parties: the citizens and the government.  The citizens agree to give up some of their natural rights, in exchange for which the government agrees to abide by the will of the people.   In other words, the contract is conditional: there are penalties if either party breaks the bond.    

On the other hand, there is another contract--unconditional love, unconditional obedience�that governs other kinds of relationships: for example, that between parents and children or masters and slaves.   In this relationship, it matters not how much one abuses the relationship (which, incidentally, is not willingly negotiated): the parent is still expected to love the child; the slave is expected to obey the master.  

The question, then, is what kind of relationship do we want to establish between the Eritrean government and the Eritrean people?  Some are willing to see our government as a �child� and this is reflected in their constant references to them being �only� ten years old, that they are �telmeden,� that Eritrea is a new nation.  Others see them as parents (with Isaias as head of the household): we don�t have to understand their behavior; however, they are owed unconditional loyalty and love and acceptance.  

We think this rationalization of bad behavior is not a recipe for good governance.  We are often surprised when we read �unconditional�, �unequivocal� support letters and not-too-spontaneous �demonstrations� in support of the Government of Eritrea organized by well-meaning citizens.   We find it hard to believe that the individuals who sign these petition�as individuals�actually support a government that imprisons its citizens without charge and would want to deny their compatriots due process.  Consider the most recent one that was authored by people who know better: the �Youth & Students� from North America.     

It is instructive that the letter reads �We, a collective�� The key word is, of course, �collective.�   A famous psychologist, Karl Jung, talks about another �collective��the �collective unconscious� that prevails over a large group who lose their individualism.  He coined a phrase for the behavior of such group: �mob mentality.�  This is when individuals�on their own�will not condone immoral or illegal behavior but will do it when they are part of a large group in a behavior that psychologists call �shift to risk�: that groups are more likely to engage in questionable behavior than individuals.    

Whereas those who petition against the Eritrean government give specific reasons for their cause, it is always the case�including the Stockholm demonstrators�that their support is always shrouded in ultra-nationalist and vague generalities about vision restored, unity reclaimed, and conspiracies foiled.  The appeal is never to a higher call but to our fears: if we ask accountability of our government, then we will set a chain reaction that will invite Weyane, chaos, isolation, war, etc.  

If we are serious about constitutionalism and democracy, then we have to start exercising our responsibility as citizens and take a government to task when it is violating its bond with the citizens.  Governments�all governments�should be rewarded and punished for how well they live up to their contracts with the citizens.  They shouldn�t be allowed to milk the goodwill of the citizens indefinitely.  This is what a nation should expect from its citizens�particularly its youth and students.  If we fail to do this, then the government has every right to say, �the people are not ready for democracy.�  And if you, as a citizen, happen to share this view of �the people are not ready for democracy,� then your letters and demonstrations are merely self-serving, aren�t they?  Now, who is the �opportunist�?

Reformer: reform thyself

We, along with many well-meaning Eritreans, have taken the Reformers at face value.  They invited us to not concentrate on the personalities and their histories but on the proposals and suggestions they are bringing to the body politic.  We did.   We did not analyze the role of the reformers�as individuals or as a group�in Eritrea�s history.  And we are not about to.  We will continue to concentrate on their words, letters and deeds.

The PFDJ Reformers always had a choice to make on how they presented themselves.  Either (1) they believe in the programs of the PFDJ as articulated in its 1994 Charter�its cultural, social, economic, political policies�which means their only problem with the G-1 is in the execution of these programs OR (2) they have disavowed some of these programs which would mean their difference with the G-1 in both, on emergence of divergent principles and the execution of convergent principles.  It goes without saying, of course, that regardless of their choice; they don�t deserve to be in jail without charge.

Between May and September 2001, if one contrasts their initial �Open Letter to PFDJ Members� to their last �Open Letter to the Eritrean People�, we have seen the group evolve from the modest �all we ever wanted was a meeting� to the ambitious call for specific changes in the PFDJ platform in all areas: economic, political, military, and social programs.

At times, they appear that their target audience is only EPLF/PFDJ members: when they do this, they present an image of an organization that was nearly flawless until the President, for whatever reason, developed authoritarian tendencies and altered the way he works.  In this scenario, everything was fine and dandy: the EPLF was functioning like a well-oiled machine and its politburo like an orchestra until EPLF transformed into PFDJ and the president surrounded himself with new folks and gave up collective decision-making.  Thus, the mission of the Reformers becomes restoring the glory of the EPLF of yesteryear, realigning PFDJ to EPLF.  As for the rest of Eritrea, well, the enemies of the past (the �traitors�, �fifth-columnists�, �Weyane fellow-travelers�) remain the enemies of the future.  

At other times, they appear to address the entire Eritrean population.  When they do this, they present an image of an organization that had always been authoritarian whose excesses were tolerated for the sake of a higher cause. (megogo, anchiwa, etc.)   They talk of reconciliation, handing power over to the people, constitutionalism, democracy, rule of law and other universal values that appeal to a broader spectrum of Eritrea and is compatible with the other political forces of Eritrea.  

Lately, they have been sending mixed signals.  The �reformers� need to make a choice and they need to do it quickly.   If it is the former�as seems to be the case if one reads Dr. Asefaw�s article�then the whole issue is, for the most part, an internal PFDJ issue that deals with power politics and how groups inevitably evolve.  Given the fact that the PFDJ is the only party in Eritrea, this is no small thing and it does have national ramifications.  Still, however, seen within the larger context, it is mostly an intra-party thing.   If the case is the latter�as seems to be the case if one reads Mesfun Hagos, then we believe that the Reformers are alienating a large group of Eritreans (the independents, the supporters of the Alliance, the �Third Wave� ) by their adoption of the PFDJ culture of exclusion.  The �reformers� need to make a choice and they need to do it quickly.

Women & The PFDJ

We are sure that you�ve heard of the �Eritrean mothers� often described as the �backbone of the revolution� or the lifeblood of our government or the true Hafash or the �pulse of the nation� or such-like descriptions.    Now, far be it for us to criticize our own mothers�we love them as much as the next guy�but have you ever wondered why there is no such compliment for the �Eritrean fathers�?   Objectively speaking, the Eritrean father contributed as much as the Eritrean mother to the success of the Eritrean revolution.   They have just as much �tsinAat� as the Eritrean mothers.   So, why is there so much extravagant praise for the Eritrean mothers?  And why is the praise almost always uttered by men?

Hold that thought.  Now, ask yourself the following question: why does the PFDJ�s draft electoral law allow women�and women only�to vote and to simultaneously run for two offices (in direct contradiction of the Eritrean constitution)?  Hold that thought.  Why is there such an aggressive call for �affirmative action� for women and women only?   Why was Ambassador Hebret�the only female ambassador who has resigned-- attacked more viciously than her male compatriots by the G-1?

Is this because Eritrea is, like most traditional societies, a paternalistic society and the PFDJ is attempting to compensate women for past injustices?  Is it because it is merely trying to empower a historically disenfranchised group?  

Or, is the explanation as simple as politics: first and foremost, serve your most loyal constituency?  And, if Eritrean women�as a group�are the PFDJ�s most loyal constituency and if Eritrean women�as a group�are the least politically conscious group (easy prey to sentimental, emotional manipulations), what does that say about the PFDJ and its political platform?  

In the interest of transparency, we think it would be very helpful for the PFDJ to disclose the statistical makeup of its membership: by gender, by age group, by ethnicity, by religion.  Then, and only then, will we know if its claim to being a national �front� that represents the entire Eritrea are valid or not.

Islamic Jihad & PFDJ

The US State Department recently listed a number of countries whose citizens will receive the slow treatment when they apply for a visa to the United States.  One of the countries listed was Eritrea.   Those who feel �exonerated� any time the U.S. does something that contradicts its history, tradition or its constitution (�See, even the US does wrong things!  So why can�t Eritrea do likewise?�) are, as usual, wrong.   

There are two issues here: how a government treats its own citizens and how it treats foreigners.  Our position is that the US Government, in the USA, can use whatever policies, however arbitrary or unjust they may appear, when it comes to foreigners.  On the other hand, it would be wrong and unconstitutional for the US government, as it would be for any other country, to treat its citizens differently simply because of their ancestry.  (Those who love to use US anomalies to support oppression in Eritrea, please note that in the US, citizens can sue their government.  If the US uses this approach with its citizens, it will most assuredly be sued.)

Coming back to how Eritrea got included in the list: who is responsible for this?  There are two parties: the EIJM/Eritrean Islamic Jihad Movement (most certainly) and the PFDJ (possibly.)   The first culprit is obvious: when the US Government was conducting an investigation after the first attempted bombing of the Trade Center in the mid-1995, the terrorist-turned-informant mentioned the EIJM, by name, as one of the beneficiaries of Bin Laden�s Qaeda movement.   Long before September 11, 2001, (See our interviews with Ahmed Mohammed Nasser and Herui T Bairu) Awate.com has felt that the EIJM, whose commitment to a secular and democratic Eritrea is suspect, should not be mainstreamed by belonging to the Eritrean Alliance that is supposed to be secular.   And thus, our call to the Alliance to explain their alignment with the EIJM is consistent with our secular principles and not driven by recent considerations.

There may be two other reasons for the State Department�s actions.  Awate.com has reported twice, beginning as early as September 2000, that the Eritrean Government, through its embassy in Kuwait, had been selling Eritrean passports to stateless Arabs (the so-called �Bedoun.�)  Another Eritrean website has actually reproduced the newspaper advertisement that solicits this shady business by a broker commissioned by the Eritrean Embassy in Kuwait.   It is possible that some of the �Bedouns��who now carry Eritrean passports�may be allies or family members of some of the dozens of organizations identified by the US Government as being sympathetic to, or allies of Bin Laden.  The point is that the PFDJ should not be selling Eritrean passports to non-Eritreans.  

The PFDJ, as well as its supporters who were justifying its adventures in Somalia when we were calling for disengagement and a foreign policy that befits a small nation like ours, may also have gotten Eritrea in this quandary for its flirtation with Somalia armed factions among which is Al-Itihad movement.  Many of Eritrea�s leaders, who used to travel using Somali passports during the Armed Struggle Era, may think of reciprocating this favor to Somalis.  But at what risk to the nation and its citizens?   Once again, we call on the G-1 to stop dragging Eritrea to neighborhoods we have no business in including the Sudanese opposition.

Action Item: �Prisoners Album�

When we launched our �martyr�s album��one of our most popular segments�we were told that these features have a tendency to have the exact opposite of the desired outcome.  The �martyr�s album� was designed to remind us that the freedom of our nation�Eritrea�came about thanks to the sacrifices of all Eritreans from all walks of life.  It was meant to be a unifying theme, a feature that brings us together, forever.  Some knowledgeable Eritreans told us that good intentions are not enough: they said that Hadas Ertra had abandoned a similar feature (meswa'ti waga Harnet) when it became apparent that only martyrs whose families had pictures would have their stories told.   Although you want to tell the whole picture, you end up telling only part of the picture, which, unfortunately, distorts the real picture.  In the end, what happens is the exact opposite of what you want: you display pictures that are not representative of the nation and unintentionally politicize that which is too sacred for politics. But whatever pieces of history there is should not be buried just because all pieces are not found.

We want to gather as much pieces as we can.  We are about to launch a �Prisoner�s Album� which will be featured in a sister website (EHRAG/Eritrean Human Right Advocacy Group) soon. Our purpose is to make sure that these fellow Eritreans are not forgotten and that there will always be�someone, somewhere�advocating that their human rights be respected.  Just think: it has already been a month since the elderly mediators were arrested; two months since the PFDJ Reformers were arrested; and seven years since some teachers in Keren were arrested.  We know that these political prisoners come from every part of Eritrea, every ethnic group and all religions and we want to be sure that the pictures are as accurate as the stories.  PLEASE, PLEASE send us what ever pictures you have and help us find more�along with the date and place of their arrest�either via mail or as an e-mail attachment. 

Ramadan Charity

Many readers constantly remind us: why are you so critical of the PFDJ?  Isn�t there a single positive thing that they have done that you can praise?  And we always respond: we are not fans of redundancy.  If you want to read about all the great things the PFDJ does, read Dehai.org, Shaebia.org, Hadas Ertra, Hamdan�s Rag, Sophia�s Pabulum, etc. etc.   But it is Ramadan and a key requirement of Ramadan is charity so we will be charitable.