The questions you posed to Abdella Adem, following his interview with Awate, were compiled and presented to him.  For ease of reading, we have organized all your questions into 7 broad categories: (I) EPLF Days, (II) PFDJ, (III) Governor, (IV) Ambassador, (V) Opposition; (VI) Relationship with Ethiopia and (VII) Personal questions.   Comments in brackets [] were inserted by Awate to clarify answers.   If Abdella Adem's response to a question was no comment, we have written �no comment; if he skipped a question, we have written [no reply.]  

Thanks for your participation in this interactive interview. [Ed]

I. EPLF: SAHEL DAYS (AFA, MENKAE, ABRAHAM TEWELDE, ETC.)

(1) As a military commander till 1987, you know what was really going on among the leadership of the EPLF. Do you think there were some hidden plots behind the "deaths" of 'WEDI HAILE' in the late 1970s, and that of 'IBRAHIM AFA' in the 1980s? I am asking this question not because of the rumors people say, or because I know something; but from the reality that many secrets are being disclosed nowadays for the sake of democratic contribution, and we the ordinary people have started to analyze so many things- may be wrong-. Any way, please try to say some thing, even you can repeat what it has been said by the EPLF so many times earlier, or some thing new ????).

I would like to know the circumstances of the death of: Abraham Tewelde, Ibrahim Affa, Weldenkiel Haile, Isayas (wedi finansa) and many more... I heard that Isaias [Afwerki] had assassinated about 300 young educated fighters in the front. If you could elaborate on that?

I am an Ex-EPLF tegadalay and I always believed Ibrahim [Afa] was not killed by an Ethiopian patrol unit.  The more I try to digest the circumstances under which he and all but one of his staff died, the more outrageous it sounds.  The more I try to justify the subsequent disappearance or death of ALL of his remaining operators, the more intriguing it becomes. I know could be totally wrong.  Maybe there is one of his operators alive somewhere. I don't know for sure. What is in my head is only one or two "likely" possibilities.  And that is why I wanted to hear what Abdella might say about it. What can you tell us about Ibrahim Affa, his years with the EPLF, his military genius and his mysterious death?

Based on your question, there could be [events] in the long years of the struggle that are not public. However, regarding the compatriots that you asked about, whether you believe it or not, they were martyred and not killed. Regarding their situation, though, Weldenkiel [Haile] had reservations that started from the time of the movements. In addition, since he had close friendship, camaraderie and contact, with Tewelde Eyob, I know that he was excluded. Regarding Ibrahim Affa, I know that he was not satisfied with the administration, leadership and the work assignments. He had talked to me about that repeatedly in Nakfa.  We talked about the subject even two days before his martyrdom.

(2) I have heard many times about the "menkae" movement. I would like to hear your version of the story. What is your reaction about them? Were you there? In what capacity?

The �73 movement, �Menkae�, came up about a month after the first group [PLF1, predominantly Muslims from Sahel/Semhar] and second group [PLF2, predominantly Christian Highlanders] of the PLF were united.   To those of us, who were on PLF1, it was a sudden conflict whose origins we didn�t know about. I was a platoon leader and all of us from the PLF1 where sympathetic with the movement because most of the combatants of the PLF2 were supportive of the movement. We supported the sentiments of the other combatants. We came to learn of what transpired slowly, as we continued to ask.

Isaias called a meeting and all the veteran combatants and cadres and leadership of PLF1 were present.  From the accusations of Isaias, we knew of a serious charge against two members of the leadership. Then there was disagreement: some said that the charges were serious and accepted them; some said the charges are serious and must be investigated while others said that this was nothing but wanton defamation to squash people.  The meeting became tense and Tseggai Qeshi hit Mussie Tefamichael and a problem was ignited and extended to the forces. The organization entered a phase of conflict.

Later, while the charges against the two who were accused were leveled, a counter charge against the performance and manner of leadership in the PLF2 were leveled.  The charges against the leadership included its treatment of those it imprisoned which included accusations of inhumane solitary confinements, tortures and killing.  A committee was elected to investigate.  It finished its work and presented its report. Its report was convincing to some, but not to others.   In hindsight, I think the committee was not independent. Since we in the PLF1 were not involved in the conflict, and since we trusted Romadan Mohammed Nur then, we accepted his explanation that the movement was that of Ultra Leftists.  Following his explanation, we changed our position and we opposed the movement.

But in less than a week, they told us that the movement was of �regionalists� and they referred to the movement as �Menka�e� [Tigrigna for �bat.�] When we asked what �Menka�e� meant, we were told that it means pretending to be leftist when in fact you are a regionalist. That stage is too long to talk about and has many details. But generally, I believe it was a conflict motivated by power struggle, which deteriorated to whimsical theatrics. The force that raised questions about oppression by leadership was liquidated.  Final verdict and final conclusions are better left for history.

II: PFDJ DAYS (ISAIAS AFWERKI, WOMEN�S RIGHTS, MUSLIM�S RIGHTS, ETC) 

(3) How could your ex- organization come up with a man with not drop of Eritrean blood as a leader? Could you tell us about his background, because it is widely believed he is conspiring to sell out our country?

No comment.

(4) We hear about a movement within the front now that is totally dominated by people who have identity crisis. The power is within a clique that has Tigrayan roots, we hear. How true is this?

I don�t know anything about that.

(5) Have you seen people who have been beaten physically by the devil (Isayas)? How true is this?

I hear about it but I have not witnessed that first hand.

(6) We would like to know about Isayas's assets and corruption, if you know any? Basically I would like to know how this �mafia� works, financially?

I cannot tally his assets. But in the absence of transparency, when the flow of money in and out of the country is not disclosed, it means there is a hidden asset. Corruption worsens and is created out of such situation and becomes the basis of relations based on personal gain.

(7) I have personally heard from young women beginning with the first, second etc. etc. "zuria" military training that women were having problems. In particular, the sexual harassment and "entay gedisuki delaiki gberi and delayu gbrulu.. etc� [Don�t create a fuss; just give him what he wants] from an interview (unpublished for obvious reasons from a trainee in  1998.)   Very shameful replies from their trainers...what do you think happened to the "strict" "respect" that women used to have in the EPLF?

Later, the G15 added a very, very, very short note..."women are having problems..." in their open letter. I do not expect Luul Gebreab and Gual [Askalu] Menqerios to take care of women's problem.  They will not.   They do not care.  However, what happened to the men? How could they see the abuses and not say or do anything about it?

The present women in the army and in the warsay all came from the highlands and all of them are Christians.   I know definitely that Isayas backed out after being threatened by the lowland fathers and brothers of the women there when he said "dey kweldalna TraH ina ndeli" [all we want from them is to procreate.]  What do you think happened to allow such a disgrace to the nation? What happened to the culture of "respect for women"?

All that you have mentioned in your questions has been committed. Generally, there were rules either drafted on paper or verbally declared. However, it was not implemented because the higher-level officials did not adhere to it and, hence, the lower level officials did not adhere to it. I do not have a belief that Gual Menqerios or Luul are not interested in issues of women, but it is beyond their capacities to bring about change. There is no one who is not apprehensive about that. Nevertheless, this, like all other things, is part of what has befallen to country because of the absence of rule of law. Recruiting women was not limited to the Highlands, the difference is in numbers only. When culture and traditions are lost, the respect for women is lost with it.

(8)How much support do you think Issayas has from the public, and the military at the moment?

Isaias has neither the support of the army nor the people. One can only get the support of the people when he establishes peace; when he respects the rights of the people, when the people are able to move freely. The support of the commanders of the army, which is based on personal gain, is not the yardstick for the army�s support for Isaias.

(9) Do you think that those of the GOE believe on what the are telling us (which implies they are very blind) or is it just because of different reasons? Then about you: When did you start to think you were sailing a very different path and that it is time to go? Over the years and despite the grievances from a massive number of 'voiceless Eritreans' at home and voices of disobedience in Diaspora, why did it take you so long to call a spade a spade and what is so different about yourself now and what lessons have learned to effect change in Eritrea?

Your question reminds me of a saying: ab kwinat zew�ale belih [a person who never participated in a war is brilliant (about warfare)] If you were part of the process of the struggle, you would either be with the opposition or remain with the clique in Eritrea. Apart from that, I can only say that you must have the abilities to do magic. What I have learned, what can effect the struggle for change, please check the interview that I gave earlier. At any rate, I am now able to evaluate my experiences properly.

(10) I want to know your opinion about the ratified constitution. Do you believe that it will be implemented or do you think we might as well forget it?

The constitution has been put in a box, collecting dust and unimplemented, for six-years.  Due the time factor, some of its articles are now erased and other articles have been overtaken by time. Despite the fact that it was not widely accepted to begin with, to ask for its implementation now is not out of conviction but a political game. What I think is that it should be used as a working paper in the assembly of the transitional government that will ultimately be formed. Then, it should be discussed and then presented to the people and only after a referendum would it be accepted as the constitution of the Eritrean people.

(11) Given that you had a distinguished military career within ranks of EPLF, it is said, your assignment to a bureaucratic post by Iseyas was part of a systematic purge, to deny you and other Muslims within the army from progressing to senior military posts, what is your say?

No comment.

(12) As a freedom fighter, you and other brave men and women paid a heavy price to get us freedom, equality between citizens and peace. In your opinion how much of this has been achieved? Leaving aside problems associated with dictatorship and reflecting on your experience as administrator of Assab region and Keren, how would you describe the status of Muslims, vis-�-vis access to higher education, employment, economic activities, land issues? Are there any policies or practices to ensure groups that are under represented have a voice on issues that matter to them?

I would like to pass that.

(13) Besides lack of democracy and accountability of the front do you foresee, lack of balance or representation between different ethnic groups as a major problem of the incumbent government?

Democracy is tied to basic rights of ethnic groups. If there is no true representation, ethnic representation based on independent elections, everything that is done is for the image improvement of the system. Within PFDJ, the rights and participation of ethic groups doesn�t have any explanation or meaning beyond empty slogans. The Eritrean population is formed of many ethnic groups.  If the rights of those groups were stepped on, a big crisis would be created. In addition, talking about democracy while oppressed doesn�t have a meaning. What assures peace in a country is the preserving and accepting the rights of the people.

(14) With all due respect to you sir, how is it that we have such an undemocratic merciless character could assume and wield so much power with in the EPLF. I accept your statement that he fanned enmity between the senior members of EPLF perhaps for a very long time. Can�t people see that the country and the hard won freedom were going down the tubes with a character such as Issayas at the helm? What kind of enmity or suspicion would blind you or anyone else in the CC to not be able to see the danger that the country was being led to such as the war with the Woyane, the refusal to accept the US Rwanda peace plan etc?

First, thank you. I understand what you said. The issue is intermingled. It doesn�t mean that it was not obvious; but it is a long story. You might be surprised that a few months before it finally came to the open, some high level leaders had shown their opposition. This is common in any dictatorial system. For example, when a ruthless dictator was abusing a great country like Iraq, we could ask: weren�t there Iraqis [to stop that]? The answer is that it is the culture of a dictatorial system. Those of us who could talk about the predicament of our country were not doing so either because we are weak, or politically ignorant or blinded by personal gain, or sectarian gain. The sum of all of that has resulted in the destruction of our country. This is happening because the clique that is holding power has worked for it.

(15) Did you work from within the PFDJ government, against the repression of the Eritrean people? if so, would you please share the same with your listeners?

I don�t think this needs an answer.

III: GOVERNOR ABDELLA ADEM (SENHIT DAYS)

(16) When you were governor of Senhit province, people of that province remember you as an authoritarian and cruel governor. One day, I remember, you had a meeting with the local people regarding the land which was taken illegally and which you were distributing to PFDJ loyalists who were not natives of the region. Do you regret the way you treated the elderly people in that meeting?

I might have made mistakes and mistakes could be repeated; but I was not a cruel administrator. Since you didn�t define the nature of the land and the time of the incident that you are claiming, it is difficult for me to comment. But for your information, I worked in Senhit for only seven months and I didn�t have any drafted plans regarding land.

(17) During your term as a governor of Senhit province, can you explain to us the crimes committed against the people, mainly the abduction and disappearance of many people, the hunting up of Letedawit by EPLF in Hagaz prison, the unlawful confiscation of people's land and distributing it to people from other regions who just came to Keren few days ago?

I didn�t know of any when I was there. Even the region dignitaries that I came to know didn�t mention anything like that. But when I left, I knew very well that people were snatched at night from their homes and made to disappear until now.

(18) Want to know how the Blin people were near a major clash around 1992-93, when you were the administrator of Keren. I may not hold you responsible but would ask you for a clear answer?

This is a good question. There was an old conflict between two Bilen sectors: Tarqe and Neged. We tried to solve the problem but we did not succeed. The mistake was our mistake. I have colleagues who belonged to the conflicting tribes; they initiated the reconciliation effort. My colleagues and I were genuinely trying to achieve peace and brotherhood.

(19) Did Derue (Haile Weldensaie) make a difference when he was the Minster of Foreign Affairs?  What was his vision?

No Comment.

(20) Mr. Abdella, in your reply to a question about how much power you and others in the government had, you said, �The mistakes we made (the ministers and the GoE) �maeleya yeblun�. Who is to blame? I think we can tackle that issue and we can be clear on who is guiltier than the other on this issue when we arrive at a legal process, but for now, what we can say is that we, EPLF/PFDJ, failed collectively. Beginning from me, to those in jail, on to those in power. I, myself, had a role in the execution of these policies and nobody can say, �I am without sin.� All of us are to blame.�

Who is guiltier than the other? That does not go well with me.

All I can say to this is quote Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. �We will remember not the words of our enemies, but the silence of our friends....� and in this case you and the others betrayed us when you were in power. It is only after the discomfort became personal that you decided to speak out. I would like to know what you have to say about this.

What I want to say, I have said it and you have read it. Moreover, you have given your own judgment. That is your right. Needless to say, I don�t want to enter into an argument about the personal �discomfort� that you mentioned. In short, I was part of the past, and now it is my wish and belief that I should be part of the forces of change. Dear brother, please don�t deny me this right.

IV: AMBASSADOR ABDELLA ADEM (Khartoum Days)

(21) If you were confident enough, you wouldn�t abandon you position as an ambassador and ask for political asylum after the GoE [Government of Eritrea] called you to Asmara.  Is it reasonable now to talk about the people of Eritrea?

I did not abandon my responsibilities; I just changed my capacity: instead of remaining the ambassador of the government, I chose to become an ambassador of the people. If you are an ambassador, your job is to justify the oppressive actions of the government and present it in the best possible way. I do not accept that- morally or in principle. My responsibility is to expose the injustices. This government has lost all its national credentials to the extent that people are comparing it to the Mengistu era and they think it is faring worse.

(22) Why were you recalled to Asmara? Is it really what you are saying that caused you to run away?

Yes.

(23) Were you passing classified Eritrean information to Weyane and Beshir?

Don�t forget that Weyane and AlBeshir know more than what I and you know. Don�t forget that they operate through institutions.

(24) Rumor has it, you were involved in selling passports, could it be the reason that forced you to seek refuge in a third country?? How can we Eritreans living abroad contribute to bring about change in Eritrea? Also how can we contribute to better the relationships between our people and our Ethiopian brothers and sisters?

First, you need to understand that passports started to be issued from embassies in mid 2002. The Immigration department in Eritrea was controlling that. Therefore, I don�t know of any passport that can be stolen. But I suspect you might have heard that Eritrean passport was sold illegally: the Immigration department in Asmara has sent officers to Kuwait to market Eritrean passport among the stateless people in Kuwait (known as Bedun) and the passport was sold for $10,000 each; and they were given an Eritrean citizenship. They were given all rights of an Eritrean citizen, excluding the obligation of national service. This was not decided either by the dysfunctional Assembly or the dysfunctional cabinet. You might remember that Saleh Gadi was made stateless when he was living in Kuwait because they said he criticized the Eritrean government. Therefore, if you ever met any of the [new] Eritrean citizens and they told you that they are Eritreans, do not be surprised: Eritrean citizenship is only $10,000 worth.

(25) Do you have any loyalty left toward your former commanders? You abandoned your post after you were re-called to Asmera. So, if you thought that PFDJ was not the way, why didn't you leave before you were re-called?

No. I made the decision when to leave my post.

(26) Mr. Ambassador, did you rescue your immediate family from Isaias' backyard prior to defection? I hope you did.

You are right. There is nothing better than having your family with you. However, when I took my decision, I was not considering this issue.

(27) Why do Eritreans Ambassadors leave their respective posts every time they get recalled back to Asmara? In other words dear Ambassador why didn't you leave prior to your recall?

 
No comment.

(28) As far as you were ambassador in Sudan and also as you are dealing with Sudanese authorities, what is the status for the future of Eritrean military conscripts who have fled from forced conscription in Eritrea?

There is an agreement with the Sudanese authorities regarding how they would be received.

V.  THE STATE OF ERITREAN OPPOSITION (Diaspora Days)

(29) What is the best way to change the regime in Asmara?

I do not have a ready-made formula for that, but changing the system must be the responsibility of every citizen. For example, if a person pays $10 monthly for the government: he must stop paying that. It is important to imagine how much $10 per person from 30,000 people would amount to and where is it being spent!

(30) My only concern is, many people, even high school graduates do not understand very good English. Wouldn't it be possible to reach the majority by using the language this people most understand? Arabic and Tigrigna?

I agree that the medium of education should be the language that you mentioned. But weaknesses in English the language is the capacity of teachers and the method of teaching, in addition, it is the deficiency of the education policy and not the weakness of students. In our country, those who studied until the eighth grade, in the forties, could be considered the best we have as far as mastering English is concerned.

(31) Why didn�t he [you] join the alliance or the EPLF-DP or other organization?

Joining is not necessarily physical; it is being in the same camp together.

(32) What is his future plan in regards to contributing to the struggle against the dictator?

I will have contributions and mainly, I have a common vision with different colleagues.

(33) What should be done to bring the downfall of PFDJ? What is the best way or easiest way to get rid PFDJ ? How can the process of getting rid of the Eritrean regime be faster?

Identifying the basic questions of the time and, based on that, preparing a participatory program and then pursuing it diligently is what hastens the downfall of PFDJ.

(34) Why is it so hard for PFDJ officials to stop looking like PFDJ even after they abandoned it? Especially the way they look the opposition?

[No reply]

(35) What role can you play to bring all opposition / parties and individuals / under one umbrella - United Front?

I can only contribute my views and opinions. My ability in solving the ENA�s or other organizations' problems are limited. I believe that contributing what you can honestly is the right thing to do. 

(36) Are there real opposition within the Military?

[No reply.]

(37) What is your say about ENA?

Instead of being consumed in non-issues, I think the ENA should struggle by prioritizing the requirements of the current stage, above all partisan interests.

(38) In response to Awate Team�s question, regarding reasons why you did not join EPLF-DP, you stated you had a long standing differences and issues within the front, which you had brought it up, could you please share with us, those issues and concerns of yours?

I didn�t state in the interview that I have disagreements with DP.

(39) I have always wondered about the way we Eritreans think and talk as to issues of the nation. I see one opinion dominating. I don't see diverse opinions at all levels - both within the government and within the population. Now things have shown some change but we still believe in oneness. This attitude leaves little room for discussion and hence changes for the better. I can understand the government seeking and achieving oneness. I can also understand that the majority of the public to be hostage of the propaganda by the government. What I don't understand is the fact that even those who reside outside the country and are highly educated echo the same opinion. Why aren't we seeing more and more diverse opinions?

What you state is right. The reason is that we come from a society that is traditional and doesn�t have experience in modern democratic activities. In addition, during the period of the armed struggle, neither the ELF nor the EPLF introduced democratic means of operating. Though both fronts followed the Marxist line as a philosophy, in practice, they both promoted chauvinism and hate among each other. This culture that went on for thirty years, created a wide gap on the visions of the people. It cannot be rectified easily.

On a different subject, in my view, those of us who are in the Diaspora didn�t achieve as much as needed in education. Our initiatives to mingle with other cultures are very limited. That plays a negative role. I believe that most of our intellectuals have not played a role in the development of our society. I can confidently say that our intellectuals have not produced much in presenting researched work that could develop our society in the political, social, economic, cultural and knowledge of history. Compared to the neighboring countries, our intellectual base is very limited. Even the few who got the opportunity to be educated didn�t play the expected role. Politicians always promise to safeguard the interest of anyone and they call the people to follow them. But intellectuals, being a strong power, and being different from the politicians, they should play a bigger role to educate the people about their interest, their rights, their culture and their history.

(40) Mr. Abdella Adem, you indicated in your interview that armed resistance is not called for. That we need to convince people and the people in turn will convince the Eritrean army to bring about change. Can you give us examples of where in history this may have worked?

What I said was that the mechanism of change should be peaceful. That is, to organize the people in order to exert pressure on the system; without going into other details. Such situation forces the army to side with the people. For example, when the Sudanese people rose up against the regime of Jaafer Numeri, the army sided with the people, took over power from Numeiri, and handed it to the people. There is no reason that such a thing cannot happen in our country.

(41) What do you think about the EPLF-DP? Is it really different than PFDJ?

Yes it is different. While DP is an opposition, PFDJ is the regime.

(42) I think that you will not accomplish much by going or doing things alone, therefore what are your future plans? Do you have plans to join the any group within the opposition?

We cannot say that working individually does not produce results or doesn�t contribute much. In history, as well as in the present there are incidents where individuals played important roles, and still are. For example, an individual, Abel Alier, the Sudanese politician, had a big role in getting the parties closer and narrowing their differences and in the discussions between the SPLA and the Sudanese government. Such a culture was not witnessed in Eritrea. Personally, I don�t have plans to continue alone and I will announce that soon.

(43) In my view, it is important that the Opposition Groups agree on a well-laid out road map for the peaceful transformation of power to the Eritrean people. I was pleased to note your clear position on this issue. To be realistic and workable, the roadmap should be based on accepting the ratified constitution as the operating framework, which you seem to embrace. My question to you is do you have a blue print or a roadmap that you have framed in your mind, and if so, what roles do you think you can play in persuading the Opposition Groups to agree on a common and viable roadmap to a peaceful transfer of power to the Eritrean people?

Regarding the constitution that you mentioned, I don�t consider it the only and final aim for change.  There are other things that should precede that: First, we need peace. In addition, you cannot dream of peace with the presence of the current regime. Therefore, our priority should be to remove this regime. Then, a transitional government, where all the opposition participates, should be formed. Followed by the election of transitional national assembly. The Assembly will then look into the constitution and add timely issues and improve the constitution. The constitution is then taken to the people for a referendum.  Only then is it possible to say that we have a constitution.

(44) We have seen many names of opposition organizations, but all were futile and useless in the last 13 years of iron leadership of Issayas.  On what grounds can you qualify distinctly from those name-only-organizations and what are your objectives to safeguard the rights of Eritrean people?

I agree that there is a weakness in the opposition camp. However, I think, instead of continuously insulting and criticizing them, we should help them improve and we should help them strengthen.  I believe we should contribute towards their betterment. For example, do many Eritreans contribute financially to help the opposition? The strange thing is that when the government announced the sale of land, many gave money to the government; isn�t that money going to be used to hurt the opposition, and to destroy the democracy that we struggle for? Isn�t the money going to strength the arms of the government? Your participation in the opposition camp is very important.

(45) Thanking in advance, our main concern in Asmara is to have total freedom and exercise our basic rights.  Could that be attained by those so-called opposition and can they guarantee us that because if not there is no difference and we say "zlemedkayo seraki kab emun guana" [A thief that you are accustomed to is better than a trustworthy stranger.]

Your saying: �The thief you know is better that stranger you don�t know� doesn�t agree with our predicament, simply because you have seen the thief that you know: It is a thief that takes your nine pieces of bread and leaves you with one. Your only fate is death. Since there is nothing worse than death, our only choice is defiance.

VI.  RELATIONS WITH ETHIOPIA

(46) What is your stand/opinion to the rejection of Ethiopian government�s rejection of the EEBC ruling and suspending its implementation? Did you discuss this when you visited Addis? What is your stand on the demarcation issue?     If Addis continues to reject the Verdict, what do you think the solution is? Since you have been to Addis and met with the Weyane leaders; what are your views regarding the border decision. Do you want to see the border demarcated right away in accordance with the Algiers peace agreement (please answer the question with a clear yes or no answers)?

Yes.  It should be solved based on the Algiers agreement. But the Algiers agreement is a peace agreement. One of its components is the demarcation of the border and second, the establishment of peace and three, to establish peace, there must be a platform for economic and cultural gains. To do this, all the sentiments of war and emotions must be avoided. I believe there is no government in Eritrea that can put this into practice.    I believe that such a huge goal-- a strategic project of peace�requires the participation of the entire society, including all parties and different social organizations.  It should not be a stage that is far from the reach of the people and one where cliques that are ruled by the forces of security and intelligence take charge of and exclude the society.

(47) How do you convince the Eritrean people, that Ethiopia can help bring about a genuine   leadership to replace the one they got? What if their wish is to make Eritrea another Somalia, so they could get what they want?

I don�t believe the �Weyane� have a leadership that they want to impose. But I don�t think their wish to have a government that would agree with their interest and the interest of the Eritrean people is wrong. It is also right for them to contribute what Eritreans ask for and agree with. I don�t believe they think of making Eritrea into Somalia: it is not to the interest of Ethiopia to do so. This is wanton propaganda spread by the PFDJ mouthpieces.

(48) Those who will be in power after the Wayane Government is gone have clearly stated that they will take over ASSAB. That means there will be another war.  Can we survive another destruction?

It is difficult to know what kind of government, and how different to the present government, will be in Ethiopia in the future. But we have to know one thing: whatever government comes to Ethiopia, the sovereignty of Eritrea cannot change. Relations could improve or deteriorate and that is natural. In addition, war cannot exist on their own without us initiating it like in the past. Can we resist a new war? The long term scar that war leaves is much worse than the immediate result. Before we healed the wounds that were caused by the thirty-year war, we entered into another causeless war. If we enter into another war, it would mean erasing Eritrea from the map of the world. If that happens, we are unable to lead a nation.

(49) You said they had mistake deporting and humiliating Eritreans.  Did you ask them to apologize wide and clear through world media?

What interests me now is the task of normalizing the relations. I consider the fact that they evaluated their past actions and mistakes on their own and took corrective actions a big jump towards repairing the relations. But to ask you a question: did it ever occur to you that the Ethiopians could ask for an apology from the Eritrean government saying that, � a war was waged on us, our citizens were deported from Eritrea�? Alternatively, you think that only Ethiopia committed mistakes?

(50) Who did you represent in your recent talks with Sudanese and Ethiopian officials? Are you doing it privately or representing some organization?

I represent the voice of the opposition. Without going into much detail, individuals and organizations alike have a common voice of opposition.

(51) While the Weyane regime deported Eritreans in their pajamas, do you think they have a change of heart now?

I didn�t go there to check their hears or kidneys and they didn�t receive me to do the same. The main issue here is that there is vital mutual interest for both countries. No result can be achieved by following raw emotions when the issue is about a country and a people.

(52) What do you have to say about Weyane's lawlessness in rejecting the BORDER RULING?

I asked that question and they gave me a detailed explanation.

(53) Abdela, since you were my brigade commander in Algena, Brigade 44, I am very sad to see you in Addis.  My question to you is: are you sure you are free of any kind of corruption or you did not take any Eritrean money with you to London?

I hope you are doing fine. Concerning my travel to Addis Ababa, I am sorry, I have traveled based on my goals after thinking about it and I am happy I did. I will also travel in the future. Regarding corruption, I have self-confidence and there is no money that I �took to London.�

(54) If you have truly spoken with Weyane leaders regarding Eritreans who used to reside or who currently reside there ,I believe would be the biggest joke of the century. You will only be a subject of ridicule among Eritreans. Out of the 120,000 Eritreans who were registered by the Eritrean embassy, close to 80,000 have been deported, and 10 to 15 thousand Eritreans have left the country to Europe, America, North America, the Middle east...and a great deal of them to countries like Kenya, South Africa, Sudan and the like. Now if you do the math, we have probably 20 or 25 thousand Eritreans left, the majority of whom were married to Ethiopians and Tigrayans. Taking this into account what�s the point of talking with Weyane leaders regarding Eritreans (the great majority of whom don�t even live there) and at this particular moment when Weyane leaders are rejecting the border demarcation where the treaty stipulates compensation for the uprooted Eritreans who used to reside in Ethiopia.

Many people know whether the statistics that you tried to present is right or wrong. There was no point that makes you weaken yourself. What you failed to understand is, it is not how many Eritreans reside in Ethiopia, but a strategy that looks far beyond that and that could have mutual benefits for both countries. When those interests are not weighed properly, a problem is created. And that is why the problem was created, and it is not a border problem. Undemarcated borders exist between Ethiopia and Sudan; but there is no war because of that. There is undemarcated border between Sudan and Egypt, but there is no war because of that. There is another between Sudan and Kenya but that didn�t create a war. Therefore, don�t think the war was ignited because of Badme; it goes beyond it. And that is what we want to tackle. Raising issues that concern Eritreans in Ethiopia does not require one to have a document of delegation; it is the responsibility of any citizen who feels the burden of responsibility.

(55) I congratulate you on the success you achieved. Last week I read that the Ethiopian regime issued new directives regarding Eritreans living in Ethiopia. Probably you impacted it. Long time since we did not communicate. My phone is xxx-xxxx. Give me your phone and I will call you.

Firstly, I thank you for your words. The step taken by the Ethiopian Government regarding Eritreans is not a result of my pushing; it is a result of their evaluations and investigations concerning the mistakes committed on the Eritrean people. Nevertheless, during my visit, we have talked about it. You can have my phone number [from awate.com]

(56) As realities stand now, the lasting and meaningful solution for the present impasse between the two sister countries seems to be a sort of common political system, a sort of confederation or, may be in the future, a federation. Do you personally see such alternatives as practical and possible solutions?

In order to have the best relations between those countries, there should exist a democratic system; basic protection of an individual�s and a social forces� rights, and the presence of rule of law. Therefore, when a country fails to establish peace and justice internally, it is not possible for it to establish peace with its neighbors. Regarding federation or confederation, it follows a long democratic process and heightened consciousness and evaluation of interests.  Such a decision can only be arrived by the will of the people. If one oversteps on these processes, it would mean condemning the people into an endless antagonism.

VII. PERSONAL, CONTACT INFO

(57) I would be thankful if you can kindly tell me where you attended your elementary and middle school days.

There was only elementary and middle school in Agordat. Except for one year when I went to school in Asmara, I studied in Agordat.

(58) Can I get Abdella's email address.

Yes you can [ask awate.com]

(59) If you wish to coordinate your peaceful struggle towards the salvation of Eritrea, it can be very useful if you can establish contact with [me] through this email [withheld.] We can then try to work out a modus operandi for cooperation best regards from TRUE EPLF

Good, I do not mind it.