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PLUNGING INTO THE TABOO ONE PEOPLE ONE HEART ( PART IV) |
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By Mensour Kerrar -
Feb 27, 2001
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(hade hizbi hade libi) a myth or reality?
HOW SHOULD WE LIVE TOGETHER? (In what terms?)
In the last article I tried to point out that the choice of Sultan and his party, rejecting partition, was the main (actually the only) factor that preserved the territorial integrity of Eritrea and indeed materialised the "will to live together". It seemed to me the colonial impacts have had greater influence on the people of the League than on those who suffered identity crises, or on the half hearted Tigray-Tigrengi nationalists. If The League has had accepted partition there wouldn't have been any Eritrea we should talk about today. The Muslim League will always be remembered and credited for this in the history of Eritrea. However, how far objective or wise this choice (rejecting partition) was, (Judging it by the price paid for it and its final outcome for its champions and their offspring's) is a controversial academic issue of debate among contemporary Eritrean Muslims in general and Eritrean Bejayans in particular.
It could be argued that the Muslims of the time had not the slightest clue where in independent Eritrea their faith, culture and the language of their choice would be looked at as sources of disunity and danger for national security and therefore they would be considered as a security problem and not as citizens with obligations and rights. Nevertheless, it is a common secret that recently there is an increasingly lamenting on the validity of rejecting partition, which is positively correlated with the increasing sense of exclusion and alienation in the last ten years. Personally I do not doubt the patriotic and nationalistic choice and political behaviour of the League. Despite the desperate attempts to re-write history and promote others, nobody contests Ibrahim Sultan as the father of Eritrean nationalism, or the League as the first nationalist party and Awate as the father of the Eritrean Revolution.
The unionists, unlike the PFDJ`s clique were honest about what they wanted. I admire them for their clarity and honesty about their goals and their terms of living together. They declared themselves Abyssinians, they told the others to follow them to Ethiopia and convert Abyssinians or just define borders and do whatever they wanted with themselves and their land. (The present rhetoric, Pan-Africanism of the Unionists, is just an apologetic twisting arms of history to clear them from the treason verdict). The nationalists were the ones who did not wish to join Ethiopia or leave the Unionists alone to do what have had pleased them to do.
I am of the opinion that the patriots of the last two or three generations, the League and the veterans of ELM and ELF, had perfectly and beautifully done their homework. Unfortunately for us contemporary Eritreans, their homework was limited to getting rid of external domination and did not include answering the question of HOW SHOULD WE LIVE TOGETHER.
The nationalist movements took the terms of living together (decentralization, partnership, tolerance, co-existence and democracy) for granted. The undefined terms were implicitly considered obvious goals of the Eritrean struggle, and therefore they failed to debate them, institutionalise them and clearly define their features. Selfi-natsinet, which became the EPLF after nationalising its divisive accomplices, the splinter regional and tribal groups who allied themselves with it against the ELF, was the exception. It declared in its unholy manifesto some sort of terms, which more or less carried in its main features the wishes and goals of the Unionists less the unity with Ethiopia. The Abyssinization or "Tigringanization" of the Eritrean society through the fragmentation (into the so called nationalities) of the others and targeting the cornerstones of their unity - common history, common language (Arabic) and Islam. The methodology of implementation of the Tigringanization plan seems to be as complex and treacherous as the EPLF ruling cult itself. A strange and alien mixture of views and behaviours:
- A Fascist like organisational structure and pulpits leadership.
- Outdated modernization theories.
- Maoist-like authoritarianism and social engineering.
- Tactics and lies of the "wadi shouq" asmarino, specialised in cheating the naive provincial visitor to Asmara.
- Intolerance, fear, hatred and conquest-Abyssinian heritage of anti-Islam anti-Arab paranoia.
- And all the above in a distorted form of Eritrean ultra nationalism package.
The EPLF-cult leaders failed to understand the basic conditions of the LEGITIMACY of Eritrea as a nation. Eritrea can neither be a mirror image of historical Abyssinia (Al Habasha) nor of modern Ethiopia. If this was the case then there is no need for two identical Habashas in the region, one would be enough, Ethiopia. Eritrea will lose its legitimacy as a nation. The whole country cannot be modelled to the Plateau. This is a denial of the very basic conditions for the existence of Eritrea as socially and politically viable nation. Eritrea cannot be another Sudan either or Bejaland, as was intended by the British, because the Plateau and Southern Sahil (Dankalia) are component parts of the Eritrean equation. ERITREA CAN ONLY BE A SOVERGN NATION IN PEACE WITH ITSELF ONLY WHEN ITS THREE COMPONENT PARTS FORGE A JUST AND EQUAL PARTNERSHIP AMONG THEMSELVES. Eritrea where all Eritreans feel at home, masters of themselves and their land. A country that accommodates and represents the past and present history, faiths, cultures (indigenous and acquired) of its entire people. A Country that accommodates and represents without intimidation those who think is Arabs, Abyssinians, Sudanese and/or Africans. A country that has something from the Sudan, and other things from Ethiopia but yet different from all of them, a bridge between Ethiopia and the Sudan, between the Arab world and Africa. We are qualified for this role and we will benefit from it.
Intentional integration or social engineering, is bound to be coloured by one's views, cultural biases and background, on how social change, occurs. One region's utopia could be a nightmare for another. The component parts of the country should be left to immanent natural integration through economic and political developments. In the views of the incumbent regime ideals such as equity and political participation are considered to be in conflict with the achievement of economic development or unity and integration in the political and social senses. Community empowerment, decentralization and community and individual potential realisation in own cultural, spiritual and moral context is also conceded as a danger to the unity and harmony of the nation. In their views Tigringization, land grapping and assimilation of others to the Habash nation is the optimum solution for Eritrea. It will either lead to a civil war that threatens the mere existence of the country or if it succeeds with a great human and economical distraction then it will lead to a useless, isolated and impoverished Tigrenga state. These views of Tigranisation and Habashisation of the society and those who are trying to impose them in a country such as that of ours are doomed to failure. It simply do not work because:
1) WelWels are now greater in quantity and qualities than they had been in the forties. They cannot swallow these; they proved to be experienced true Eritrea lovers. Manhoot, Dawit Mesfin and many others of the Awate family are my testimonies.
2) Eastern Sudan is also a home and the backyard for the people of North Eastern Sahil and there, thousands of Mohamed Grangs will be produced and reproduced if Tigringazation continued unabated. Sudanese governments never could or would be able to control their borders with Eritrea. Almost most nationalist organizations (ELM, ELF) were founded and launched their warfare from there without the consent of the successive Sudanese governments in Khartoum.
3) The Affars are no more isolated and negligible force. The Ethiopian Affars are empowered and thanks to EPLF the Wayane since the early eighties became important actors in the Eritrean internal affairs.
4) In the modern world of today policies of "conquer, cancel and assimilate" of the last centuries is no more allowed or possible to achieve. The failure of the former Soviet Union and Yugoslavia is a good lesson for those who contemplate such views today.
Many people wrote magnificent articles on reconciliation, election, democracy and change. But most of them failed to mention the prerequisite TERMS OF PARTNERSHIP or THE SOCIAL CONTRACT to any reconciliation, democracy and elections. Democracy and the act of mechanical elections do not heal the wounds or guarantee justice by themselves. National terms of how to live together should be reached first and reconciliation agenda and a new constitution should be based on them. Reconciliation, in my opinion, has two phases. The first and the prior condition to the second is the social contract. The second phase could be the reconciliation between the different political groups and the writing of the constitution based on the agreed upon social contract. All peace loving Eritreans from all cultural walks, the opposition organisations included, with or without the consent of the EPLF and/or PFDJ should come together to author and debate this contract. It is not necessarily to be done in Eritrea and by the permission of the blind dictator. Intellectuals should rid themselves of the "Janhoui, Malkam faqadachew hunu" pleading mentality. People could forge a shadow social contract, reconciliation conferences and a shadow constitution. Once this stage is reached then it is a matter of political struggle to realise change, reconciliation or democracy.
One individual, party or an organization alone cannot accomplish this great task. Nevertheless, intellectuals, interested groups, politicians, parties and organizations could contribute. Though I see the urgent necessity of this, I do not claim to be an authority in identifying or writing the content of the intended social contract. However, I will suggest some items that initiate a debate in the issue.
Terms of social contract:
1) It should be recognised that Eritrea is composed of three basic component regions, the North Eastern Sahil, the Southern Sahil and the Plateau. These are the three distinctive historical, cultural, linguistic and administrative regions of Eritrea where in the context many problems can be solved. The short history of Eritrea showed that ignoring and refusing to admit this fact led us to nothing but to a VICIOUS CIRCLE.
2) An equation of partnership between them should be worked out. Regional autonomy, federation, confederation or whatsoever locally agreed upon system of sharing power and resources of the country should be reached. Enough should be enough, everybody should recognise his bed in the same house. Unity and integration should no more be used as excuses to impose one region's economical and political hegemony on others. Democracy alone does not help people who are already been misappropriated of their land and reduced to minorities in their own regions.
3) Land ownership should be vested to the local communities. Long history of land grapping, settlement and aggressive social engineering should be controlled. Local production regimes must be respected.
4) In the course of the liberation struggle various atrocities and crimes were committed against nationalist Eritreans. Countless properties were confiscated and awarded to collaborators; its owners were intimidated to silence, killed or driven away by the Ethiopians and their accomplices of the time. Opening old wounds on crimes might not be necessary but all claims on properties acquired from 1952, benefiting from the prevailing situation-be it land or other properties- should be rendered null and void, questioned, investigated and returned to its rightful owners.
5) Rehabilitation of the victims of the independence struggle and reconstruction of the Eritrean society (The human resources- villages, Adds, communities, families, individuals etc) as prior to the Ethiopian occupation and the war should take the priority to any other material development.
6) All Eritreans are equal citizens who equally care and work for the Unity and territorial integrity of their nation (an oath).
7) Democracy and political pluralism is the means for peaceful coexistence and mutual respect. 1-Mithaq Alwatani -National contract |
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