Should we live together as one country?  The fragments of three different nations that were welded together by the Italians had no common historical, cultural or any experience of integrated socio-economic practices together. Strangers united by a stranger under a strange name, a Latin name, Eritrea. Up to date, not so many Eritreans are able to pronounce the name given to their country, as it was baptised by the Italians. The most common pronunciations are Ali-Treya, Ali-Terya, Ertra, Elitra, Aletireya and Areteerya. God forbid if the H³L (Hade Hizbi Hade libi) clique thinks about it, I am afraid they might change the name of our country the same way they changed our flag. The justification is ready: "the people failed to correctly pronounce it and since we are H³L, we have to accept the new name that �His Excellency�, has found in his parish. 

People in my region refer to the Italians as Bet-Ali (Ali`s Clan), especially when they remember that the cost of a Cow or a house was only five �soldi�. Indeed, Italian colonialism brought with it economic growth and raised the standard of living of the Eritrean people. They invested heavily on communication and the construction of infrastructure such as railways, roads, telephone and postal system. To promote and reinforce their expansionist goals and motives they also invested in agricultural projects, industries and construction of residential and administrative buildings. Italy had ambitions for more colonies: Libya, Somalia and Ethiopia. Eritrea became a reservoir that supplied soldiers who were adapted to desert and semi-desert warfare. The wage of the Eritrean Ascari was a small fraction of his Italian counterpart. The economy was monetised and a small working class - and even a smaller intellectual group - emerged. Capitalist European economy was introduced and Socio-economic transformation was set in action in the Eritrean society.

These huge constructions demanded a larger labour force. Eritrea became the Saudi Arabia of the seventies to the politically marginalized and economically impoverished Tigray people. The country experienced demographic growth-- the main source being the Tigray. According to Castellano, "Il censimento del 1939, p. 277" the Tigrigna speaking population of the Plateau (Jaberta included) increased from 112,931 in 1905 to 332,763 in 1939. While all others put together, increased from 162,013 to 281,590 in the same period. Economic and demographic growth together with transportation and communication facilities entailed urbanisation and modernisation. 

Italians accomplished two most important pillars of nation building processes in Eritrea.   Namely (1) Territorial integration and 2) Socio-economic transformation. The politico-legal legitimacy of Eritrea as a nation rests on these two factors.

Territorial integration and socio-economic transformations weakens - or wholly dismantles - primordial and parochial traditional social structures and identities. It promotes a common inclusive national identity and common consciousness. It is distinct in material well-being and political organization. Physical isolation from former co-nationality increases disparities and widens the gap between former fragmented nationalities. It was supposed to lead to the evolution of an exclusive Eritrean national identity. Nevertheless, let us see how the above factors, the impacts of Italian colonialism, had worked on Eritrea in general and on each of the different regions in particular.

Bejaland was divided between Eritrea and the Modern State of Sudan. Many socio-economic transformations took place in Eastern Sudan before and after independence. Huge agricultural projects were built: the Gazera Scheme, Halfa Scheme, Girba Scheme, the Al Gadarif Rain-fed Schemes, Toker Scheme etc. Many Northerners, the Shaigiya in kassala and the Halfwiyeen in Halfa, were settled. Port Sudan became the most important seaport and Sawakin was abandoned. Railway connected the region to the rest of the Sudan. The British and latter the Republic of The Sudan invested much in education. Education spread widely and a considerable intellectual Bejayan elite emerged. The Arabic language became stronger than ever and the region was more or less Sudanised (to the dominant culture of Northern Sudan). 

The Ansar El Sunna and the Muslim Brotherhood challenged the traditional loyalty to the Khatmiya Sufi Sect. The region was economically integrated and politically assimilated to the rest of the Sudan. No coercion or ill-intended methods were used for this noble achievement. No hidden agendas or artificial divisions of districts by parallel lines were necessary. It was a natural development of mutually beneficial socio-economic transformations.  The people of Eastern Sudan started to see themselves as different from those of "Nas Juwa" (the inside, North Eastern Sahil of Eritrea). The word "Juwa" embodies intimacy, relationship of some distant past and origin. The one who is identified by  "Barra and Juwa� is not the same any more.  

North Eastern Sahil of Eritrea and Eastern Sudan slowly and peacefully drifted apart towards different directions. The impacts of Italian colonialism were very apparent in North Eastern Sahil. People identified themselves as Eritreans and different from the rest of Bejaland. Religious loyalty remained the main stream to the Khatmiya Sufi. The Tigre (social class) revolted against the Shemagille while in the Sudan the so-called Al-Idara Al Ahliya remained intact. A common consciousness of a distinct identity of Eritrean Nationalism and culture on the bases of the growing gap between the socio-economic realities became formidable. However, the two fragments of Bejaland maintained relations of varying intimacy across the border.

These Eritrean Nationalism and inclusive Eritrean identity were well manifested in the moment of truth. The moment when the British offered Ibrahim Sultan and the Muslim League the territory of the Beja nation. It extended from Zula in Eritrea to Alkhayari in the Sudan, half way between AlGadarif and Wad Medani --North Eastern Sahil of Eritrea included. The greater majority said NO TO PARTITION, YES TO A UNITED ERITREA. No body would have hindered the partition if Ibrahim Sultan and the Muslim League had accepted the British proposal. Eritrean and Unionists and Haile Sellasie had no objection to the partition. Sultan adopted Eritrea after the death of its father: Italy.

Al-Rabita Al-Islameya was not a religious party. Neither Kebire nor Ibrahim or their supporters were Islamic fundamentalists. Nevertheless, when pushed to the corner, in Bet Ghiorgis, by the unionists, they had no choice but to resort to their cultural consciousness. They wisely used the unifying factors of Islamic Principles and the Arabic language to save Eritrea; at least to keep it intact for better or worse. The Jaberta, with bitter memories from Abyssinia, took the most active role; they supported and financed Rabita. Al-Rabita Al-Islameya and the Independence bloc were the embodiment of Eritrean Nationalism, unity and identity. All nationalist forces that came after the Rabita had built their struggle on that. Whether we admit it or not, Arabic and Islam were the unifying and inspiring factors behind the gun that was fired in Mount Adal. They don't deserve the treatment they are getting. The Eritrean people must at least be grateful for that, if not proud of. They are indigenous vanguards of the Eritrean nationalism and not frightful aliens. They are cornerstones and guarantor for peace, independence and sovereignty of the country.  

Italian colonial impacts were apparent on the Plateau. Eritrean Nationalism, a distinct identity and culture on the bases of the growing gap between the socio-economic realities between the Plateau and their brothers across the border was significant. Tigray remained a place where King Ezana and Bishop Frementous could have recognised and felt at home if they had had a chance to revisit Earth. A sense of superiority to the Tigray, a sense of distinct culture based on material well-being, urbanisation and education was nurtured in the Eritrean Plateau. However, Abyssinian culture and identity was so strong to escape, so appealing to divorce. Ethiopian nationalism and patriotism were inspiring forces that fueled the resistance to Italian colonialism. Zerai Deres, Abraham Dabouch and others were Eritreans who were inspired and defended by Abyssinia, Ethiopia. Ethiopian Orthodox Coptic Church had a great influence on people. Orthodox Coptic Christianity came from top to bottom, endorsed by rulers and infiltrated to subjects. Church and State were one and the same. Qashi Dimitros took a destructive advantage of that. 

When the wind of change had begun to blow, the Allies had to dispose of Eritrea after taking into account the wishes of the Eritrean people. When the moment of truth arrived, the primordial and parochial identities of the Plateau superseded The Pan-ethnic inclusive Eritrean identity. The inclusive Pan-ethnic Eritrean identity on the Plateau did not stand the moment of truth. The Church failed Eritrea, the intellectuals failed Eritrea. Virtually the entire community preferred unconditional union with Ethiopia. Gauging the impact of Italian colonialism on the Plateau had seemed to be difficult. The Abyssinian legacy, fear and hate of Islam and Arabs, ruled over minds and hearts of people.  The Akele Guzai aristocrats -Ras Tessema, and Welwel opted for relations with Tigray Aristocracy and Greater Tigray Identity, Tigray-Tigrengi. It was half way position, a "Neya" (combination of no and yes) position. Nevertheless, when no other choices left between Union with Ethiopia and independence they chose Eritrea, Pan-ethnic identity, independence.

The Hamasien parochial interests, Hamasien intellectuals and the church, however, preferred to bypass the Traditional Akele Guzai and Tigray aristocracies and deal directly with the Amhara of Abyssinia: unconditional unity with Ethiopia. Welwel remained in the minority, intimidated and isolated by his own. 

First we were Ethiopians and then during the Federal Act, the Ethiopian identity was rejected. After independence, it was "We do not solicit identity, like it or not Eritra is Habasha, we are the finders. Keep them in the Camps, Habashanize Society, take land, Habashanize the land."  Then, "No border exists between Habasha and the other Habasha, we are all Habasha. The other Habasha are not Habasha, there are some Habasha who are more equal than the other Habashas; there should be a border! Fight for the border, Kittet." IDENTITY CRISES.  Dramatising the issue, isn't it? What can a nomad do but lament over being forced to participate in a Drama not of his making or choice! However, it is IDENTITY CRISES, real persisting identity crises from Bet Ghiorgis to Badume. The spoiled child is suffering Kwashiorkor. Imbalance in diet. 

In grade five, I remember, my teacher brought a poster of an ugly boy, a bare skeleton with a big belly and protruded eyes. He hanged the poster on the wall and started the lesson saying "Many children in Africa die before the age of five from Kwashiorkor". We named our science teacher - Ustaz Kwashiorkor because of his big belly. Once, Ustaz Kwashiorkor came in, took my ear lobe between his fingers and pointing out to the poster asked me "What is this"?  I answered, " This is Kwashiorkor". But in spite of the correct answer he went on pressing my ear harder and harder: "Kwashiorkor Ya Shetan! Kwashiorkor Ya Effrit! Kwashiorkor Ya Eblis! Minu Kwashiorkor?" I screamed with pain "La Ya Ustaz, wallahi ma Kwashiorkor, ma inta ya Ustaz, ana Kwashiorkor, wallahi ana Ya Ustaz".  He smiled and released me. His smile encouraged the scared class to burst into a loud laughter; he also laughed.

The lesson I learned from this incident was never to tell someone stronger than your self, what he really looks like; you will be pinched for that. Only the stronger has to get away with it calling people whatever pleases him. It was Kwashiorkor that made the Bet Ghiorgis conference to fail and "Jamiyat Houb El Waten or Mahber Fikre Hager" to collapse. After Bet Ghiorgis, two diametrically opposed political perceptions contested for their respective goals: one represented by the Independence bloc which was mainly composed of the Islamic league together with Weldaab�s and Ras Tessema�s group and the other by the Unionists. These two perceptions persisted and more or less, expressed their views in different times with different magnitudes and various forms, camouflages and changing rhetoric to the Eritrean society. Advocates of unity and peace on one side and advocates of fear, mistrust, violence and hegemony on the other side. WelWels and Sultans on one side and primordial identity and identity crises on the other side. The question of whether Eritreans should live together and coexist in one country was answered once and forever when the people of North Eastern Sahil and the Islamic League had dealt a deadly blow to the British plans to partition the country.

THE WILL TO LIVE TOGETHER WAS ERRECTED IN PLACE.

Sultan, the Muslim League, WelWel and Tessema pronounced the verdict: IT IS OUR DESTINY TO LIVE TOGETHER. The realisation of the Independence Bloc was a tributary to the main stream. I believe, whatsoever neglected, the DEFECTION OF TEDLA BAIRU, the sworn unionist, to the ELF to put his hand on that of his former opponents and enemies was a patriotic brave action of soul searching and a cornerstone and a TURNING POINT for the benefit of the will to live together. I can imagine how difficult it was to say, "I was wrong". Only brave people can admit their faults and shake hands with former enemies, actually brothers. Bairu certainly died with a smile of relief that one of his is undoing what he had done.   Ras Tessema and Weldeab Weldemariam had the dream of great Eritrea that included the Tigrai. Sultan and the Muslim league had no reason to reject Bejaya. However, they made their choice to live together, to coexist in one country, to respect each other, to fight together for one nation, for Eritrea. Each surrendered his wishful dreams and accepted the objective reality on the ground. It was the WISDOM of the former generation, the art of tolerance, of accepting one another and not of canceling one another.   

For the last 50 years the Eritrean people were indulged in resolving the fundamental issue: "TO BE OR NOT TO BE".  To be partitioned or hold tight together? To be a part of Ethiopia or be a sovereign nation? To be federated or confederated with Ethiopia? To be ELFers or EPLFers?  To lead the struggle in one organisation or in many of them? To unite in a "National Democratic Front" or a "United Front"?  To confront the Wayane claims on Badume during the years of struggle or fight for it fifteen years latter? To accept the consequences of hijacking of the struggle and the hegemony of the EPLF in the liberated areas or follow some five lowlanders, Mengistu Haile Mariam�s collaborators?   These were the issues that consumed all energy and intellect of all Eritreans. They were the issues we killed each other for and fought the Ethiopians for. It was our obsession; our minds were always fixed on them. Our behaviours were coloured by them. We had no time or energy to decide on other things. 1991 was the time to discuss and resolve HOW SHOULD WE LIVE TOGETHER and in what terms? However, there is something wrong. These will be the subjects of the next article InshaAllah.