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During the Ethio-Italian war of 1935 repeated attempts had failed to conscribe the Beitguk young men to the Italian colonial army because the Beitguk outsmarted the Italians and spread on the surrounding mountains whenever soldiers approached their villages. To accomplish the task, the Italian governor of Keren came with a smart idea. He announced job openings at around the Barka river banks for picking “akat” with appealing salaries: a work the Beitguk were particularly good at. The young men shove one another to take their seats in the train destined to carry the workers to Agordat. When the wagons were full the doors were closed and the train started to push south towards Asmara instead of pulling north towards Agordat. Realizing the situation in which they found themselves, the Beitguk shouted in one voice: “Babor ey gbeyka! Babor ey gbeyka!” Nevertheless, it was too late, the young men vanished away while the words they screamed in moments of despair remained to be part of the Tigre language vocabulary of wisdom. It is usually used to warn a close friend or a family member from acquired behavior unfit to the good nature of the person. Since it’s launching awate.com has strictly adhered to its “Mission Statement”. It has proved beyond doubts to be “the voice of the voiceless and a champion for Reconciliation”. Its editorials (The Pencil) and other statements written by the team genuinely earned our respect and admirations and guided our conscious thoughts. Most columnists were the stars who spread the light of hope during the darkness of last year’s agony our people endured under the Wahyo government. I have no doubt that nobody afforded to skip the temptation of reading Weldeyessus Ammar, where simply the combination of his name reflects coexistence and tolerance, a journalist by vocation, a nationalist veteran and highly respected intellectual. Albeit my stand from Ammar and the Team, today, I do not afford but to shriek “BABOR E GBEYKA” to both the awate team and my cherished writer Ammar. I do not believe in “Me ènte Megago teHlef anchewa”. Those who want to justify either their docile and tamed nature or their accomplices to crimes mostly use it. There are so many ways to kill the anchewa without breaking the Megago. “Thewret Mayou (Numeri`s Regime) is a big tank that has eaten a smaller tank (Sudanese Communist Party). We demand freedom (to exist and participate as a political party) for ourselves and for the others too. As we do not accept to be excluded, we do not allow ourselves to exclude others. We reject the claim to tame or be tamed by others, for we believe in mutual positive influence. No one is infallible; no one owns the absolute truth. We strive to approach the absolute truth. Allah is the absolute truth. We strive to approach Allah (by taming ourselves first). Whom who reaches the absolute truth becomes Allah”. - From Alhureyta Lena Wa legheruna- by the late Ustaz Mahmoud Mohamed Taha, leader of the Sudanese Republican Brotherhood. Note: (1) All within the brackets is mine. (2), I am only interested in the political connotation of the last sentence quoted above, I am not a Jemhouri and I do not indorse it in its theological meaning. Awate team wrote: “In Eritrea, the Jihad movement is practically dead… This website has called on the ELF-RC and the ELF to go a step further and disown and remove the Jihad movement from the Alliance. - Target: Somalia-Dec.22, 2001”. BABOR E GBEYKA! I was shocked. How come, the “Champion of Reconciliation” who tirelessly urged and preached Eritreans of different political colors to refrain from DISOWNING and REMOVING each other and instead to listen and talk to each other, contradict their mission statement, declare a popular movement “dead” and loudly boast “This website has called on the ELF-RC and the ELF to go a step further and disown and remove the Jihad Movement from the Alliance”! A call to DISOWN and REMOVE a signatory to the charter of the Alliance that embodies democratic principles! BABOR EY GBEYKA! The word ”Disown and remove” sounds and smells Wahyo, it is violent, too violent, undemocratic and too militant. They are not proper words to be used by a democratic minded, reconciliation oriented and peace loving folks. It is a ready recipe for further conflicts and social unrest. To expose the weaknesses, to attack the mistakes, to criticize programs and policies, to question goals and motives of a certain organization or a party is legitimate and constructive but to pass a wholesale verdict of exclusion from peaceful participation in a democratic political processes to a voluntary signatory of a democratic principles is imbalanced emotional and destructive call. Some may argue that an article in one or another media would not exclude any body. Indeed it might do. History has witnessed it. Example (1) Exclusion, Removing and disowning In 1958 The then prime minister of the Sudan, from the Umma party, Abdalla Khalil alarmed that the Nasser’s backed Ettihadi Demoqrati and leftists would win the election encouraged (rather handed over) General Aboud to take political power through a military coup. After the success of the October Revolution in 1964, aware of Khalil´s conspiracy against democracy, the victorious political forces vowed to make it their utmost priorities to preserve and safeguard democracy from such acts. In the 1968 a certain journalists wrote an article claiming that a communist student had allegedly affronted the Prophet’s (PBH) wife Eisha (Ummal mumuneen) in a colloquium in the University of Khartoum (Education College) and called to expel the communists from parliament. Due to the article public sentiments soured against the communist party. The parliament, in what is referred to as the “democratic coup” passed a resolution and booted (DISOWNED and REMOVED) out the four communist MPs from parliament and banned the communist party. Denied peaceful participation in the democratic political life, the communist party with other left oriented groups and individuals masterminded and led the May 1969 Coup that culminated to Jaafer Numeri dictatorial regime. The rest of the saga after May 1969 is a common knowledge. The Sudan was engrossed into endless bloody coups and counter coups, brief periods of democratic life to be aborted by the conspiracy of certain party staging a coup, soon the same party to be liquidated by the same generals it had brought to power. It is an ongoing saga that reduced the prosperous and tolerant Sudan to what it is now. Extremism, be it Islamic or otherwise, could not be contained by “disowning and removing” from social and political life. The only way to contain disgruntled elements and groups is inclusion and more inclusion into the democratic processes and the rules of the democratic game. Example (2) Tolerance and Inclusion In 1991 few Swedish leftists debated to exclude the newly formed, extreme right populist “Ny Demokrati Parti”, from participating in the elections. Where democracy is deeply rooted no exclusions are possible except through the ballot boxes. Many people confronted the leftists, not on the defense of extremism but on defense of democracy. The extremists, De Nya Demokraterna, could achieve the minimum 4% requirement and won about twenty-five seats in the Riksdag. However, their success had shaded more light on their extremism, many young members of the party realized the impracticality of their populist extremism and soon, even before the next election, the party vaporized in the thin air. Democrats do not afford to exclude extremists because of their ideologies and convections so long as the later respects the rules of the game. Nevertheless, in a democratic milieu where peace and justice prevails, extremism can never live to tell the tale. It excludes itself in the ballot boxes. Islamic National Heritage I do not think that a fair rational historian (Eritrean or foreigner) or a fair rational Eritrean citizen would ever deny the historical fact that Eritrean nationalism had condensed around an Eritrean Islamic Movement. Dedicated Eritream Muslim Elite, where its intellectual and political consciousness had been molded by Islamic education and culture (Sultan, Kebire …etc.) led the predominantly Tigre masses who saw Islamic values as the inspiring force and the Quranic teachings as ideological guide in their struggle to emancipate themselves from the Shemagelle class. It was around this movement that Eritrean nationalism condensed and the idea of independent Eritrea evolved and developed. El Rabita El Islamya was the undisputed custodian and guardian of uncompromising Eritrean nationalism. It is a common knowledge that the other entire nationalist parties that later joined the “Independence Block” have had other agendas than Eritrea in its present boundaries and demographic composition. I do not also think that an honest and relatively unbiased researcher would exclude Eritrean Islamic sentiments and mistrust against Christian-Abyssinian dominated Ethiopia as one of the major factors that inspired Eritrean nationalist resistance movements such as Haraka and Jabha, at least in the initial stages of its development. This is our history and the development of our national identity. It is impossible to deny it or try to replace it by something of our liking in conformity with the present styles and models. Damned is a nation who does not build on its positive past and improves its present. In Eritrea and Eritrean national politics, the broad Eritrean Islamic Movement has always been a major player and stockholder. Islam as a religion has always been used positively either to consolidate Eritrean identity or to resist occupation. However, this does not imply that we have to sanction and cheer Islamic extremism, in the contrary it implies that we know best the bright side of Eritrean Islamism and therefore Eritreans would not be alarmed simply because the word “Islam” or “Jihad” is mentioned as a name of one of our political organizations. Except for a brief isolated incidents of hijacking few Ethiopian airplanes by the known Sabbe`s group “Al Eqab”, the Eritrean armed resistance had never deteriorated to internal or external terrorism. The Eritrean armed organizations had confined their activities only to the Ethiopian military apparatus inside the country. Likewise the Eritrean Jihad Movement had never broken this established tradition. Allegations that try to connect it to regional and international terrorism are spread either by those who failed to understand the Eritrean reality or by those who have ill motives to further destabilize the society and create a designed new reality. Eritrean Muslims due to some factors as geographical location, widely used Arabic language, cultural and religious affinity, migration habits due to pastoralist economy or in pursuit of education and labor had always been cosmopolitans; relatively open to new ideologies affecting the region than their Plateau-Christian contemporaries. It is natural rather quite healthy that some Eritrean Muslims are influenced by the resent phenomenon that is known as “Islamic Renaissance”. Eritreans are part of the region and part of the world at large. Still, Eritreans, as they usually did to all influences, have digested, absorbed and Eritreanized the mentioned phenomenon of “Islamic Renaissance”. In the words of one of the Jihad Movement leaders with whom I had the opportunity to a private discussion of this issue: “There are very few people in the Islamic Jihad Movement who practically believed on the validity of the remotest possibility of establishing an Islamic religious state in Eritrea”. The Islamic Jihad Movement has beyond any doubt negated all such allegations by signing the clearly secular charter of the Eritrean Forces of National Alliance. I do not see why people have to declare State of Emergency to remove and disown a menace radiated from own subjective delusion rather than from a sense of national concern and sober reading of the objective realities on the ground. Broad Islamic cultural and political influence is a fact of life in Eritrea while “Islamic Extremism” had never been and would never be sustained by the traditionaly egalitarian Muslim society in Eritrea. Many Eritreans, I am afraid, after the September eleven terrorist incident are carried away by the mood like that of Add Omer. During the liberation of Tessenei by the ELF in 1977 some Torr Serawit contingents managed to escape the town towards Barentu. On their way, few people shot at them from some old rifles. The assaulters were soon encircled and caught. The Ethiopians asked them if they were from the ELF. They answered, “No, we are Add Omer”. “Then why are you shooting at us, have we done you any wrong”? Asked the Ethiopians. The bewildered Add Omer answered “Kulluma lakfekum m-halla – isn’t everybody shooting at you, Why should we behave differently!” Using deliberately some external opportunities to break away from the Alliance of Eritrean National forces, BABOR E GBEYKA, or simply be carried away with it in something like “Kulluma lakfekum m-halla” will not take us anywhere BABOR E GBEYKA. We claim to be a unique people, we had a unique armed struggle, we have a unique government and president, and we have a unique Jihad Movement - a signatory to a democratic secular charter. Let us carefully, wisely and soberly study our uniqueness and come with unique solutions of reconciliation, inclusion, tolerance and co-existence. This is what I have in my Babor tonight, and good Babor night, a Babor that takes you to Barka to pick Akat not a one that leads to Asmara and on to Tembien, Maichew, Finfinne and Welama. comments to
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NEXT - in (Part 2) 1-awate team wrote: “The credit for the demise of Eritrea’s Jihad goes to the patient work of the traditional opposition, particularly the ELF-RC, which has attempted to influence and contain the militant and intolerant aspects of Eritrea’s opposition”. BABOR E GBEYKA! 2-W. Ammar wrote: “And for the record, one must underline that it was the relentless campaigns by devoted cadres of the ELF-RC and other Eritrean organizations in the towns and refugee camps of Eastern Sudan that put under control the truly disgruntled and misled activities of those very few extremist adventurers in Eritrea. - PIA’s Dreadful New Year Message - 1/4/02”. BABOR E GBEYKA! 3- BABOR HEADING TO BARKA - Prof. Tesfasion Medhanie "Mufti", the constructive role of intellectuals. (Part II) February 1, 2002
Have the post-PFDJ election campaigns already begun? awate team wrote: “The credit for the demise of Eritrea’s Jihad goes to the patient work of the traditional opposition, particularly the ELF-RC, which has attempted to influence and contain the militant and intolerant aspects of Eritrea’s opposition”. (Target: Somalia-Dec.22, 2001”). W. Ammar wrote: “And for the record, one must underline that it was the relentless campaigns by devoted cadres of the ELF-RC and other Eritrean organizations in the towns and refugee camps of Eastern Sudan that put under control the truly disgruntled and misled activities of those very few extremist adventurers in Eritrea…The result of the constructive struggle to tame ‘Endera Trufnet’ can be witnessed by facts on the ground today” (PIA’s Dreadful New Year Message - 1/4/02). Language
To begin with, “Tame, contain and put under control” is a language used by a man, a Whip on one hand and a robe on the other torturing a poor helpless animal to make it succumb to will. It is often used in relation to training young oxen, horses and camels in our country or in circus wild animals in the developed world. I am confident, neither the team nor Ammar have had such intentions; nevertheless, in the political sense such language is not used to define working relations between two or more political organizations functioning hand in hand for a better future, for democracy and justice. I would have preferred other language to define influence such as: pressured, insisted, advised, convinced, negotiated, compromised and so forth. Weights and Credits What a coincidence! Two consecutive articles, first by awate team followed by Ammar, both credit the ELF-RC without any particular occasion. Could that be the democratic election campaign has already begun. The opinions and convictions of Ammar or the awate team do not necessarily represent the official stand of the ELF-RC. However, it could provoke some queries in some people. Why should people in this critical crossroads try to promote and buff up one particular organization in the expense of others? Why should a positively independent website and an intellectual writer on the weight of Ammar try to jostle some untimely election campaign like sentences in their educational and informative beautiful writings? Could it be that these people are more informed than others? Why should we try to measure the immeasurable and quantify qualitative values such as political influence in a hasty manner and without proper research? Why at this particular time different weights are attached to the effectiveness and competence of each member of the alliance?
Speculations Many people attribute the continued arrogance of the regime to the weakness of the opposition groups and their disability to combine and effectively use their resources and obligate a sound alternative. It is a common knowledge that since 1983 repeated attempts either to unite or forge some sort of alliances between different opposition factions had terribly failed. As a result, many people were skeptical about the sustainability and endurance of the last Tripartite Alliance (ELF, Legna and Khelas) and the present AENF. However, in spite of its sluggish efficacy, AENF has showed some stamina and proportional cohesion in the last two years. That been so, still many people are cynical with reference to the degree of its cohesiveness and future potential. Opposition united-action`s Aficionados are sensitive to any rhetoric that may indicate the possible collapse of AENF. Seemingly a badly chosen word here or a sentence there may generate thin-skinned irate reactions. Since the emergence of the so-called “Third Path” and the materialization of the so-called “Reformers Movement”, AENFs` devotees were actively contemplating to what the effect of these two recent political phenomenons would be on the AENF. Some optimistic speculated that sooner or later the EPLF decedents would not afford to defy the other opposition organizations and would ultimately join AENF. This would certainly converge, the polarized society and promote the opposition to all-inclusive hale and hearty alternative to the despot and his “black-shirts” Wahyo. Some pessimists hypothesized that the EPLF splinter groups would never have the nerve and the political will to accept the challenge and undergo the nuisance of working with organizations with divergent political convections and orientations. They would never join the AENF. They would insist on the legality of the unpopular EPLF designed constitution, the undemocratic “Party and Election Draft Laws”, the legitimacy of the PFDJ`s Baitou (parliament) and the culture of exclusion. They would insist in EPLF without Isayas. These pessimists go further in their speculation and indicate that ELF-RC, who was the last to join, would be the first to leave the AENF and together with the Third Path and Reformers (EPLF-DP) would build a grand Kebesan opposition alliance. (God forbid, they say) The polarization of the Eritrean society to the traditional cleavage lines would grow sharper and the political map would be redrawn. An attempt to measure ELF-RC influence on others ELF-RC is one of the opposition organizations that unremittingly contested the Whayo regime for the last twenty years or so. We are all proud of its record in educating and mobilizing the Eritrean people for democracy and justice. The ELF-RC was the loudest among the other oppositions groups (Especially in Europe and the USA) in exposing the dictatorial nature of the Regime. It has enough virtues to be credited for than a championship in a field it never specialized or a task it never attempted to accomplish. The ELF-RC was and is one of the national organizations that have played and will play a grand role in the political process and development of our country. The ELF splitting up after its defeat that resulted in the present factions had run through some old social traditional fractures veiled in the heydays of the organization. ELF-RC was not an exception from this reality. It was predominantly composed of first line cadres primarily of Plateau origins and few others for some comprehendible loyalties. Its presence for the last twenty years was substantially felt in Europe and other western countries rather than in the Sudan and the Middle East. Its presence in the refugee camps (where EIJM sprouted) was difficult to trace, and if any, it must have been for other reasons than political loyalty and dedication. Unlike the other opposition factions ELF-RC is an organization of an elite group of certain political and social background. Rationally, it should have been the organization that incorporated the ex-ELF corresponding secular elite whose political consciousness had been molded by Arabic education and/or Islamic culture. However, ELF-RC either did not want or was not able to address and take clear stand on some issues of utmost importance to those counterparts in the Sudan and Middle East. Some of the issues in which the ELF-RC was at variance with the Moslem public in general and organizations including Sagim, Kunama and others are as follows: 1- The sectarian nature of EPLF- PFDJ and its leader. 2- Tigrengan chauvinism and hegemony under the PFDJ Regime. 3- Combined oppression on Eritrean Moslems. 4- The right of oppressed ethnic groups and nationalities to organize themselves. The ELF-RC cadres and leaders were always very sensitive to the above issues. There are some ambiguities in their position concerning these issues. In contrary to the other opposition groups, who are very vocal about it, RC had seldom accused the regime of Tigrengan chauvinism, sectarian features and characters or of categorically targeting Moslems and Islamic values and traditions. When it comes to such allegations ELF-RC often shy answers at the best or defend the regime in most cases. “It is a dictatorial regime”, they say. No more no less. Ahmed Nasser, in his book (Tehadiyat Msireya Amam AlmujtamaE Aleritri- Crucial challenges facing the Eritrean society) wrote: “In my opinion, such a logic (accusing the regime with sectarian and Tigrengan chauvonism) obliterates the opposition forces´ assessment whole essence that clearly defines the regime as a dictatorial regime. Therefore, it (such a logic and valuation) is unfair towards all who honorably struggle against the regime and in particular Christians. Such a wrong evaluation does not take into consideration the possibility that a weakened dictatorial regime could resort to using sectarian weapons. However, this (sectarian practices) do not necessarily indicates a sectarian nature… All Eritreans, not considering their religious affiliations are suffering oppression (under the regime)…. If the regime was authentically sectarian Christian, then how can we portray the Moslem members of EPLF? Have they denied their affiliation to Islam and changed their religion or are they in agreement with EPLF Christians in sectarian bases?” (P: 124-25). W. Ammar, a member of RC leadership, in his book (Eritrea: Root Causes of War and Refugees) and subsequent articles, though using a similar language does not seem to entirely agree with Chairman Nasser. May other people think that the ELF-RC, due to its social bases, have never been so enthusiastic to explicitly acknowledge the combined suffering of Moslems, speak about Tigrengan hegemony of state power, or worry about the sectarian characteristics and rhetoric of the decision making clique in Asmara. Such people allegedly accuse ELF-RC with considering itself as the only competent alternative to the regime whose major concerns has always been power sharing rather than addressing the imbalances and injustices in the society. “That is why they have always been seen packing and repacking for the flight to Asmara for the last decade. They have only one answer to all questions-dictatorship” they say. If this is the stand that Ammar referred to as “putting great efforts to weaken any growth of religion-based organization in Eritrea” and the team as “particularly the ELF-RC” then, I am of the opinion that such a stand reduced the supposedly vanguard ELF-RC to an organization that its support has severely dwindled with a certain segment of the people and its influence drastically reduced to the minimal. There is no effective positive influence without close relations, understanding and sympathy with those who have actual or perceived grievances. People whose interests are not addressed by the ELF-RC and others are the main constituencies of EIJM today. Baboor of hagerawe hadenet–The Hazegan Christian Mufti of Islam The famous Eritrean researcher and writer Prof. Tesfatsion Medhade had been very close to the ELF-RC for the last two decades. His deliberations had given the ELF-RC Kassel Festivals flavor and color. His speeches had comprised a considerable space in the videocassettes produced and sold. When the Tripartite Alliance materialized in 1995 the ELF-RC was not a part of it. In August 1997, 12th Kassel Festival Prof. Medhane presented a paper titled “hagerawe lifinti ni hagrawe hadinet-national Alliance for national unity”. He analyzed the concept of Jihad and its applications in the anti-colonial anti imperialist struggle in North and Eastern Africa. He classified and scrutinized the two factions of EIJM. He emphasized on their programs, behaviors and what they stand for and not their names. He denoted one of them qualified for a membership in the Alliance while he prayed for the other to grow to maturity and political adulthood though time. He called on the ELF-RC to join the Alliance. “ELF-RC tarik yetsewEu allu yemesleni” said the visionary Baboor of national unity. “We have to look at what type of Jihad it is, does it endorse parliamentary democracy, separation of religion and state, self determination and human and civil rights etc.? ” educated Medhane. Without any hesitation he pointed out that “I am not saying this only as an Eritrean, as opposition, as nationalist but also as a kebesan Christian, when Moslems grieves the Christians should speak loudly about it and when the Christians have grieves the Moslems have to talk loudly about it”. (In this occasion I would like to invite nationalists patriots with Christian names such as Dawit Mesfin, Dr. Tadesse, Yohannes Ligam, Heroi Bairo and others to join this discussion about EIJM so that we establish a reasonable consensus in awate family. Mr. Stone the atheist Qeshi Dimtros and his likes too, are invited; the picture without their piece will never be complete.) It was a surprise for most of the audience. How come, how dare he, the man touched the untouchable, he committed an abomination. They could not call him a fundamentalist; he is Habesha Christian, a son to one of the two most famous Eritrean villages (Tsaziga or Hezega). They could not suspect him of ignorance and he has a heap of certificates and academic titles. Then he must be an Imam, a Mufti, Sheikh Fisehatsion Medhane. His friendly and cooperation relation with the RC diminished, and was replaced by allegations and counter allegations. However, Mehane´s videocassette became very popular among Eritreans in the Sudan and the Middle East, especially among the Islamists. On the eyes of these people Mehane became a living argument for peaceful coexistence, inclusion and mutual understanding. An argument used by moderates against hardliners. His influence on the Islamists and Jihadists to cool down was considerable. “As long as there are Christians like Medhane then Eritrea still has hope - Eritrea lisaE bekhier” told me one committed Jihadist relative of mine in the Sudan, 1998. When I asked him “how can Eritrea be lisaE bekhier and you fight for exclusively Islamic state?” My friend smilingly answered, “What else do we demand from our Christian brothers than what Medhane had said; we are always the first to defend and die for Eritrea and we are the last tobenefit from it. Isayas had come with his maximum program of Tigranization, we have countered it with our maximum program of an Islamic state. You, our secular sons go and compromise for a just and equal share in a democratic secular state, then we will desire nothing but to be allowed to practice our five times prayers. The man is an honest researcher, he is not like the others who look like coins of the same value with no honesty or academic integrity, he is a good Christian and we respect him”. I knew Medhane has done his job and sent his message and my friend and his organization have fallen to his influence. Eritean Islamists would have been happier with him as a Mufti than the PIA appointed docile one. How combined oppression? The greater part of Eritrean Moslems believes they suffer combined oppression under the PFDJ Regime. They suffer like all other Eritreans PFDJ dictatorship and arrogance, consequences of wars, Forced conscription, forced labor, unfair taxes, lawlessness, joblessness, corruption etc.. However, there are some other grievances not necessarily shared or felt by their Christian fellow citizens. All, in a whole sale, are suspected fundamentalists and/or fifth columnists unless they applaud PFDJ, their land and property is encroached upon, their faith is labeled as terror ideology, their culture functios only to entertain others, their centuries long social, cultural and religious relations with their neighbors is frowned at etc… Moslems ask so many questions: Why the position of Arabic been revised after it had been settled long ago by an Eritrean elected body? Why should local and foreign missionaries have free hand to plant our villages and cities with unnecessary churches while we are unable to reconstruct or build new mosques? Why Saturday and Sunday are made resting days while Friday is neglected? Why should our Awqaf (Mosque property) is nationalized while the Orthodox Church builds huge buildings to run their religious and other interests? Why should Islamic nations, benevolent Moslem individuals and NGO`s are not allowed to help us build our Mosques, schools and clinics? Why should in the first place our Islamic schools are closed and their teachers disappeared? Why our regions are neglected from the little development projects? Why our land been distributed to others without our consent? Why our areas are turned a battlefield and mine fields for an alien army of John Garang? Why and why and why. Such questions are never asked by a Kebessan Christian be him opposed to PFDJ or not and no body blame such a person to do so. However, when those who suffer the pains cry, the only diagnose and medicine conscripted to them should not be “dictatorship” there are so man answers to different questions and there are various types of diseases that need different methods of diagnoses. “Keyeh girmet eykoun wa azim libab- neither a fair skin color is beauty nor silence wisdom” is a beautiful Tigre axiom. Neither diagnose and talk about a sectarian nature and behavior of a regime makes one reactionary nor shunning it makes progressive. Neither recognizing the suffering of the kunama and the combined oppression of Moslems makes ELF-RC fundamentalist and ethnic motivated nor does mentioning the plight of Haile DeruE or Mussie Tesfamichael makes it regionalist. Tigrengan chauvinism and hegemony does not mean all Tigrengans are supporters or beneficiaries of PFDJ but a certain elite that draws its support and mainly uses that particular nationlity sentiment is meant. Next: Part (III)- EIJM Metamorphoses 1- ELF Afendia and the Veteran Shiekhs 2- The seed that germinated in ELF 3- Eritrean Taliban and the Afghanstan Fever- a version of Islamic EPLF 4- The veteran Shiekhs and the Taliban - Sofi, Akhwan and Slefi 5- Mission impossible – the Eritrean culture and reality 6- Responsibility, maturity and adulthood 7- AENF- the EIJM at crossroads |