Liberty, Security & Martyrdom
By Awate Team
Dec 10, 2004, 23:36 PST

Liberty And Security

The issue of finding a harmonious balance between the right of people to live freely (liberty) and live at all (national security) is one that challenges even mature democracies like the United States of America. The debate in Eritrea over the last four years--if one describes the pitched shouting matches and name calling as "debate"—has been between those who genuinely feel that insistence on constitutionalism and rule of law right now endangers national security and those who feel that constitutionalism strengthens national security. In the process, those of us who call for more freedom have been accused of being treasonous or supporters of traitors and those who have been calling for delays have been accused of being totalitarian or supporters of totalitarians.

The difference has been on presentation of facts.

Those of us who believe that the PFDJ is a totalitarian party and that its head is a tyrant have persisted in showing one evidence after another. Almost every state in Africa is mired in one conflict or another but Eritrea is the only nation in the continent that has no independent press; it has no independent legislative body, no independent judiciary, no rule of law, no due process. In fact, we have shown that it is not even a party or a front, but merely a vehicle for one man—Isaias Afwerki—who has no limits to his power. In addition to its tyranny, we have also shown plenty of evidence that it is incompetent, reducing the State of Eritrea into a beggar state.

On the other hand, those who accuse the opposition of treason have, todate, not provided single evidence beyond repeating their allegations. Not one single individual, out of the thousands, if not the tens of thousands they have accused, has been proved to have committed crimes against the State in anything that remotely resembles a free and fair court. Not the elderly citizens. Not the "fifth columnists." Not the reporters. Not the G-15. None. To us, this is confirmation that the secrecy that the PFDJ operates under has nothing to do with protecting the national interest but its own power.

National Security vs Isaias Security

In the case of Eritrea, some--and by "some" we mean those who are fanatical supporters of Isaias--confuse disloyalty to the man with disloyalty to the nation. This is not surprising: if one is content to roll the entire fate of a nation into one man, then one can easily fall into the trap of equating criticism of Isaias or even assertively working against Isaias as working against the State of Eritrea.  To us, patriotism means standing up for the nation from everyone INCLUDING AND SPECIFICALLY from Isaias Afwerki.  In the eyes of these misguided citizens, even individuals who dedicated two thirds of their lives, bled for Eritrea and sacrificed everything for the nation were not spared from the accusation of treason simply because they disagreed with one man.  Thus, while disappointing, the reckless accusation of treason against everyone who runs afoul of one man is hardly surprising, nor unique to Eritrea. 

Legitimate National Security Concerns

Of course, just because the PFDJ uses the "national security" card to justify every abominable crime it commits against Eritreans does not mean that there is no such thing as a national security concern. Freedom is not an absolute concept. There is a reason why every nation, including the most democratic, the most peace-loving countries have intelligence services and spying agencies. There is a reason why citizens, even the free-est citizens in the world, allow their governments the right to protect safeguard some information as privileged because they understand that by giving up some individual freedom they ensure a higher collective security. Some may be surprised but we are not "free speech absolutists": there are many documents we have received and not published because we believe they compromise our national security or unity.

But free nations understand the tendency of governments, all governments, is to over-reach and classify everything as secret because by doing so, they can dodge accountability. In free nations—democracies—the struggle to maintain a harmonious balance between liberty and security, is maintained through a constantly-improving checks and balance system.

The Martyr’s Database

Despite the disappointing and overabundant accusations that Eritreans wage against one another, we begin with the premise that all Eritreans are patriots. We may differ, often in pitched tones, on the methods we use to improve the livelihood of our nation but we all want the same thing: a nation at peace with itself, at peace with its neighbors, a nation ruled justly and democratically, and a nation whose citizens living standard is constantly improving. Some of us think that the biggest hurdle to this goal is the PFDJ, some think it is the Ethiopian government, some think it is both. To what extent should we go to remove the hurdle? Here, too, we differ.

It is in this environment that we have been studying the Martyr’s Database we have received. The information contained is quite comprehensive. The question is: what will we publish? What will be our parameters? What is the purpose? What do we hope to achieve?

The test we will apply must pass three standards: national security, decency and accountability. We are patriots; we love our country passionately. We also believe that our country has been very badly served by the PFDJ. Thus, for example:

  • We will not disclose where or by what cause a martyr died. Such information compromises Eritrea’s national security because it can disclose to any enemy Eritrea’s vulnerabilities of where to attack and what equipment to use. Moreover, it does not pass the decency test: a mother who takes pride in her son’s martyrdom does not need to know that the real cause of his/her death was suicide.
  • We will not disclose the unit the martyr was serving in because this, too, can disclose Eritrea’s vulnerabilities: some units are more ably led than other, some sectors of the Eritrean Defense Forces are more resourceful than others and there is no need for anyone except those in a positions of authority--preferrably elected--to know this.
  • We will not disclose the precise dates of martyrdom (particularly for 1998) because Eritrea has an outstanding case on the matter of who initiated the Eritrea-Ethiopia war and disclosure may compromise its case.

The above are some examples; there are others that have to pass the same test of national security and decency. Why are we even listing these examples? Because we want to remind those who have the database and those who have access to it, to think of these (and similar) examples and to handle the material responsibly.

The question is: what are we publishing and why are we even publishing this data? Towards what end?

Accounting/Closure

The PFDJ gave a total of 19,000 and then proceeded to assemble the loved ones of the martyred, in clusters of "zoba," of those who died from that specific zoba. There is no accounting to the entire Eritrean people of the full names of those who died. We have received no closure on the issue, particularly those Eritreans who question the number announced by the PFDJ. We intend to address that question.

Accountability

We have interviewed several individuals who have spoken of rampant and cruel disciplinary measures that have been taken against Eritrea's Defense Forces for even minor infractions.  In its index, the database mentions "Code 500," defined as those martyrs who died because "sgumti tewesiduwom" (steps were taken against them.) There are also many for whom no reason was given. Again, in the interest of sensitivity and decency, we will not identify the names. But we will provide statistical summaries because someone has to account for the execution of these brave souls.  It is the height of hypocricy to take the lives of people and then stonewall and plead national security when people demand accountability.  At the appropriate time, scholars and human rights activists, may find the data useful in demanding accountability from the government. Meanwhile, we might share this information with concerned entities if we deemed it appropriate.

Promote Peace

Of all sectors of a society, veterans are probably the most peace-loving because they have witnessed first-hand the devastation of wars. We believe that those who are trigger-happy and those who see war as just another extension of diplomacy will have second thoughts when they see the magnitude of war. When they see the ages of those killed in war. In this regard, we invite Ethiopian reporters, particularly those from the independent media, to challenge their government to disclose the entire list of the names of Ethiopian soldiers that were lost in this "senseless war."

We believe all human beings want to live free and secure. Governments have an obligation to be vigilant in safeguarding their nation’s security. Maintaining a well-equipped standing army does this. But the same vigilance that citizens show in ensuring that their government is capable of defending them from external enemies must be matched by citizens’ vigilance to disclose the full cost of its policies —in loss of life, loss of liberty-- and whether the policies the government pursued in defense of the nation were defensible or unavoidable. And since our nation lacks the basic systems of accountability, this is the least we owe those who died for what they believed was defense of the motherland.

We believe that the martyr's database does not belong to the government. It doesn't even belong exclusively to those families who lost loved ones in the war. It belongs to the Eritrean people on whose behalf they were ordered to die and it should, and it will, be shared.   But we recognize the legitimate concerns of some well-meaning people and we will try to address them by making these pledges:

(1) The martyred and their loved ones deserve sensitivity and decency, which we will do our utmost to honor. We will neither sensationalize nor trivialize the dead. We will not be gratuitous. We will provide the data in a tone and language that is measured and sober. 

(2) The State, which is a permanent, deserves to not have its national security compromised, regardless of who is running it now, who is temporary and will eventually be gone. This is a recognition that will be honored and we will err on the side of caution. But we have no intention of being accomplices with those who have chosen to go along with dictatorship and decided to fool themselves by declaring that their meekness is being done for the sake of the country.  

(3) The citizens deserve accountability from their government and closure on this highly emotional issue. That, too, we have a duty to fulfill, and we will do our share. Now, and in the future.

awateteam@awate.com

This page contains the names of Eritrean martyrs who died between 1998 and 2003, as a consequence of the 1998-2000 border war that broke out between Eritrea and Ethiopia. This page is designed as a tribute. If you think seeing the names would cause you stress and/or anxiety, please don't continue any further.