1. The Message

In essence, the VKP critique does not seem to differ much from my analysis. As a matter of fact, my critique complements it with particular examples and supportive evidence from the perspective of Kunama ethnic tradition. VKP affirms that the Kunama society is based on "egalitarian setting." The Tigriyna speaking Kebessa by and large is based on the same setting; the practice of communal land ownership under the "Diesa or ShiHena" system is a concrete example. The writer continues on the same vein, "the laws and rules, regulating the harmonious life-styles of the various Kunama societies, living in their four major regions and districts where the Kunama, are recognized as Aimasa, Barka, Ilita, Marda, Tika and so on, and living in their very isolated and tiny communities and very independent from each other."

The writer further illuminates us about Kunama social system: "A society structured on egalitarian social principles and therefore enjoying an ample liberty in ordering its internal life, even the "roles and rights of their women," as well as the "regional and local customs,’ vary depending on and because of the internal and external influences affecting that particular society." The VKP writer also accepts the reality that the Kunama society is "very pluralistic in its ethnic structure and religious influences." The same is true with the rest of Eritrean ethnic groups.

On the other hand, the VKP writer asks, "Who is Mr. Fessahaye Mebrahtu to know about the "Kunama woman" about her "roles and rights?" In my article, there is no mention of Kunama woman. I used social relations in Kebesa as an example. My critique sends a warning like a rattlesnake saying, "let us not tread on each other’s feet." Though no Eritrean ethnic group was mentioned by name, my reverence for our traditional culture values is neither conditional to nor bounded by a specific ethnic group or region. It is an open secret that in all my writings, I advocate for a common sense and common ground for us Eritreans to create a viable nation. Hedging our respective ethnic cultures from each other with an "off limit" warning sign is ethnocentrism at its worst. Can we build a viable nation with such attitude and suspicion?

Critiquing my paragraph which reads, "In traditional African cultures, women have influential and visible roles in the society," VKP agrees with me by adding supportive evidence from the Kunama tradition stating, "Whether Mr. F. Mebrahtu knows and therefore is indirectly referring also to the fact that a certain Kunama Queen, named "Kuname," married a certain ancient Axumite Kunama king, by the name of the "Bada/Baden" or "Baza/Bazen," had existed and given her name to her generation, called "Kunama." Again my critique agrees with me by highlighting the Kunama tradition analogous to the many societies in the continental Africa dating back to antiquity.

If I have never mentioned Kunama women or culture by name, what is the issue with VKP then? Even my weakest or generalizing line which reads, "Like most traditional cultures arranged marriage is still practiced in Eritrea" does not include or exclude any Eritrean ethnic group by name. Yet, the VKP critique seems to have been offended by such statement and reacted, "In his own Eri-Tigrian culture, perhaps yes, but not surely among the "Eritrean Kunama," where the Kunama girl reaching puberty is free to accept or reject the young Kunama approaching her. "Arranged marriages" are not common in the traditional Kumana society." Yet the writer contradicts own statement first by stating that Kunama is pluralistic culture;" second, by acknowledging that there are exceptions, "Only foreign influences may have affected some Kunama regions and the Kunama populations inhabiting them." Even in this seemingly contradictory statement, VKP argues that Eritrean women faired better in their traditional settings than in our current political system, which supposedly has women’s interest and gender equality at heart.

The VKP critique all in all is not opposed to my message, to the contrary agrees with my analysis by giving supportive evidence from the Eritrean Kunama society. But though my focus was to "pique the interest" of my readers with the hope that they may contribute to the discussion, VKP challenges me saying, "he does not go deeply enough to explain whether gender equality in the Eritrean society is universally accepted, implemented and practiced by the whole Eritrean society (both urban and rural) and in and by all of the various Eritrean ethnic-groups..." First, I never claimed to have written a book or a thesis that deals with the issues VKP is pointing out as my "failing." It is a simple analysis and opinionated article like many of my previous postings. What is the problem then?

I am not surprised that we are reaping cynicism, indifference and divisiveness as a byproduct of oppression. Let me focus on the "divide and conquer," that VKP has projected on "Eri-Tigrians" as the personification of the current political oppression. Isaias Afeworki who bears a "typical traditional Eri-Tigrian name" is oppressing other Eritrean ethnic groups. By extension, Fessahaye Mebrahtu and others with Tigriyna names are oppressors too. I would leave for our readers to reflect on this notion. VKP’s victimized mentality using the phrase; "marginalized social groups" is also politically motivated and divisive. This approach is more damaging in our common struggle for justice. With such perception, "like a house divided," we "will surely fall down." It behooves us to find a solution before these misperceptions go out of hand. Not guns but ignorance about each other might be the cause of our destruction.

The current regime or any movement in Eritrea that highlights old ethnic or religious grievances for political expediency must be exposed for what they are. Those who want to stay in power for perpetuity are succeeding in dividing us and sowing the seed of discord along the faults of ethnic lines, deliberately putting us at odds with each other. The VKP seems to have fallen into that trap. In Eritrea, any sort of bigotry and cultural chauvinism has to be addressed and dealt with justice. The assumption that the power hinges on Eri-Tigrians in the current situation is a travesty of justice denying their past sacrifices and their current sufferings like the rest of their fellow ethnic groups. By the way, a dictator does not have any religious or ethnic loyalty; he only gambles with such differences to cling to power a little longer.

Furthermore, the VKP writer seems to have been irritated by my reference to the written codes of Eritrean Kebessa and Mensa’e laws compiled by Zerayaqob, Woldemariam and Gerima. First of all, compiling does not mean authored by the aforesaid names; rather it was collected, reprinted and bound together as a book. These regional laws were formulated in the most democratic way possible before the word democracy became fashionable in many parts of the world. Second, if these compilers were able to find any written codes of other Eritrean ethnic groups, they would have done the same.

In my article, by not mentioning other ethnic groups’ traditional customs, I was not trying to validate who is in or out in the Eritrean socio-cultural and political structure. I was merely attempting to support my analysis with a concrete examples of what I know and can defend too because I have a copy in my hand. The Kebessa regional laws are there for what they are. I have no pretension to use them as canons or yardstick that the traditional laws of other ethnic groups have to conform to or measured by.

Conscious of my limitation I was careful enough to be inclusive of oral traditions by using the phrase "regional laws and local customs." Most Eritrean ethnic groups including the Tigriyna speaking ones by and large depend on oral tradition as a primary source of information. As a product of such culture I am aware of the value of oral tradition and I am in constant clash with the Western culture that value and believe in written as the only primary source. Even among the Kebesa Christians, the Ge’ez alphabets and literature had very limited effect on the popular culture outside the liturgical usage.