An open letter to the Second regular congress of Eritrean Democratic Party (EDP)From an independent perceptive observer

Introduction

Dear compatriots:

You are gathering six years after the devastating war that left in its wake a staggering death toll and incalculable amount of money and property loss. Two third of our population face starvation and many displaced citizen live on make shift. Families still agonized over the lost lives and worries over the fate of the children still on the frontline. Young generations lost their hope and are leaving the nation for good through desserts and seas in search of adapting countries. It will take unpredictable years before our nation regains its pre-war status and a semblance of normalcy. This collective punishment towards our people and presidential contempt towards international community alienated our dear nation.

The tragedy is without parallel in our nation’s history on an account of the magnitude of the destruction and the degree to which our government is culpable. These catastrophic events did not come out of the blue, but it was a culmination on the current leadership’s failure of governance and inept of diplomacy. Occurring as it does, this appalling predicament fallen upon our nation already crippled the whole livelihood of our population. Since independence, the current leadership plunge our nation into a series of conflicts with our neighbors and derided third party mediators. The mistakes and miscalculations of the government become so visible and utterly indefensible.

On the other hand, the opposition forces are in disarray, failed to distinguish between what they can do and can’t do. Most importantly, they failed to comprehend between "the expendable political issue by the political organizations and the expendable political issue by the Eritrean people as whole." Political leaders in the opposition camp can not resolve their differences within and among the organizations in order to face the unique challenge of our nation. They must realize the current problem requires a new blood and new energy of our young generation. In a nutshell, the Eritrean political arena could not find competent leaders who can understand the domestic and international politics to secure peace and stability of our young nation.

Dear compatriots:

It is under this political climate, that you are convening your second regular congress. The Eritrean people expect a major political change in the direction of the struggle and in the nature of the leadership from this historical congress. Within this political context, it is my sincere personal believe that, the congress should welcome the good will of citizen in suggesting and recommending workable ideas and proposals that could help you in the deliberation specifically in the issues that matters our nation. Though, my grievances and the ideas I espoused are well documented in the public sphere, I still believe to present it in a formal appeal to this historical congress where the well meaning compatriots debate and deliberate the issue of our nation. The issue of my concern on EDP hopefully will be raised in this congress are the issue of constitution and constitutionality, the issue of national conference, the issue of passing the torch of struggle to our young generation by accommodating an access to leadership. "Remember…… that you have great things to do today" are the words uttered every morning by the valet of the Comte de Saint-Simon when the valet was under orders to deliver the daily pep talk. So also it is time to say to you, remember these days you have great things to do in this congress. In any case, to save your golden time for the priority you have, I will present the stated issues in précised manner.

The current ratified constitution.

Manners and opinions change with changes of circumstances within the given time and space is the approach of my argument. I fully understand EDP’s consciousness on the ratified constitutional document and I am also aware the magnitude of expertise, the wisdom, and variety of knowledge invested to the document. However, it is my sincere believe that the constitution requires amendment before it is enacted as the supreme law of the land. My remark will focus on the "structure of the government and nature of governance which is part of the constitutional document." The current ratified constitution offer "the hybrid governmental structure" extracted from the parliamentarian and presidential governments which gives excessive power to the executive body. When power is centralized and is granted without a harness to the executive body what we get is dictatorship. Hence, no matter who sits on the chair of the executive, the current constitutional documents, weakens the power of the legislative, easily politicize the administration of justice, and allows unrestricted executive hand in every function of the government. The Eritrean people must choose either the parliamentary or the presidential structure to avoid the hybrid governmental structure.

Even though politics is imponderable qualitatively and quantitatively, there is always a barometer at the receiving end. Despite the Eritrean people didn’t exercise on the ratified constitutional document, they have sensed the interference of the president in all governmental functions including the legislative and judiciary functions. Therefore, it is fundamentally imperative to restructure and re-organize authority to devolve power from the central government to the lower level (Provinces, Districts, Municipalities…or whatever administrative division we envisioned) in order to respond to the political, economy, and social demand of our diversified society. "Centralized unitary government" as the name signifies wouldn’t and couldn’t facilitate this kind of structuring .In modern politics; centralized unitary government is defined as the theory of unfettered executive power augmented by self serving security reasoning. My self, who swam in the political turbulence of our country emphatically believe that "a country emerging from such political turbulence is best healed by decentralized unitary government."

In politics we always sense the demand of our people which includes the issue of religion and culture, the issue of empowerment, the issue of proportional judgment, the issue of rational perception, the issue of fair representation, the issue of rule of law, the issue of constitution. In light of this complex demand, decentralized unitary governance is the kind of political structure that could maintain the equilibrium of our social forces and the integrity and stability of our nation. Ostensibly, it is the new impetus of change that will pull all forces of interest into the center, thereby creating the harmonization of power. Decentralized unitary government will insure the following political benefits;

• Remove the hybrid governmental structure
• Recover the legitimate power of the legislative branch
• Helps to de-politicize the administration of justice to insure its independence
• Diffuse the power authority nexus from the center
• Brings the interests of the various social forces to the center
• Restore the Eritrean resilience, resourcefulness and accommodation
• Finally, it empowers our people.

Assuredly, there is empirical evidence of a link between decentralization and economic growth on the one hand and decentralization as component in the process of harmonization of power in the arms of government. That is why modern political scientist understood decentralized unitary government as an attempt to seek therapy to national divisions.

Dear compatriots:

The demand of the minorities is often disregarded in the developing countries and became the prime causes of their political and societal upheaval. The Eritrean minorities felt marginalization in our current political process as well as economic opportunities. This creates a sense of mistrust and fades the commendable historical co-existence. In light of these realities and in recognition of their grievances the "bicameral chamber" of legislative is a constitutional answer to their demand. These two arms of legislative should be formed one by "proportional representation" and the other by "equal representation." While the proportional representation reflects the demographic population, the equal representation reflects to the demand of our diversified communal ethnics. The power of the chambers will be determined by the parliament.

It is indeed doubtful, that we can make progress without addressing the deficiency of the current ratified constitution. The executive chair is repercussive by nature. Look even in the civilized decentralized US government where the check and balance is observed, the executive body still always looks for a gray areas where they can extend their power. This in itself is good alarm when we think about our constitution. In any case, I am not looking a constitutional drafting process. What I am looking is an amendment process. Practically, it will not be a long process. After the formation of an "interim coalition of government" the constitution can be revised by "national convention" and adapted through "national referendum". Remember this short process will satisfy to those who where excluded from the original process. In a nutshell, this process will give confidence and enthusiasm across the board to all stakeholders and instill a new spirit that no body can make you inferior without your consent.

Finally, since there is always confusion between "federalism" and "decentralized unitary government", I would like to disentangle the concept by stating that all federalism is decentralized unitary government but not all decentralized unitary government is federalism. This statement is substantiated by the well known political scientist Arend Lijphart who said and I quote "Federalism is not a necessary condition for decentralization nor is decentralization a sufficient condition for federalism." Since there is various degree of decentralized unitary governance, the kind of decentralization I am looking to our specific reality without going to a detail is purely "political administrative character." The decentralized units do not dispose of either legislative or judicial power.

Dear compatriots:

I will not delve myself to define the concept of national conference from normative structure nor from constructivism and associology, for I have done it already in one of my articles. But, I will impart its importance and usefulness to our current circumstances. Constructing space and time for national conference within the political reality of the opposition camp and the Eritrean people in the Diasporas is very important. National conference presupposes the creation of organizing power, planning, delegating, and continuous improvements. It aims at devising and establishing the ignition of collective purpose and collective mandated leadership.

Facts are the seeds of wisdom and knowledge. Wisdom always focuses on anticipation of consequences and results. The thing undone among the many is the conscious mobilization of our people and the establishment of political structure by which power to consent will be exercised by our people. I have observed the art of perverting people from taking part in the affairs of their nation by the opposition forces. This has to be change starting from this historical conference.

The purpose of national conference is to establish a mechanism by which our people elect their mandated leadership…..a mandated leadership which is responsive and accountable to our people. Remember a mandated leadership to his group is not a legitimate mandated leadership to the general public until the public is represented in the process. It is a simple logic. Since national conference could be done for different purposes at different time and space to discuss national agendas, it is imperative to have a national conference to stir the Eritrean pride and to search an authentic comprehensive solution to our woes. National conference should be the path to ascend to or descend from power. It is equally true that it is the path of empowerment of our citizen to have a say in the direction of the opposition camp and choosing their leaders. Further more it is a place and an environment in which the Eritrean people and the oppositions make a contract and the elected leadership make an oath to the public to execute the agendas agreed in the conference. Without national conference and public participation, it is difficult to evaluate responsibility and measure accountability.

The Italian philosopher Gramisci once made the distinction between what he called "the critical and organic intellectuals." Critical intellectuals are typical of developed civil societies, in which they themselves view as critic to powers and generally being non-conformist. Organic intellectuals are more prevalent in societies in which individual moral responsibilities is not highly developed and see they themselves in the role of spokesmen for collective identity. Eritrea has many organic intellectuals who can play the role of spokesmen for our collective identity and very rare critical intellectuals who can make critics to our leaders.

Dear compatriots:

Our current struggle needs critical intellectuals who do not shy away from criticizing the leaders of the political organizations. EDP and other political organizations must open an intellectual space within their organizations and by extension within the public sphere to upgrade the maturity of our struggle and create a new pattern to change the image of our politics. The intellectual space by itself is a new conducive environment to unify the critical intellectuals in principles, vision, and modus operandi. This is indispensable political factor which EDP congress should not lose sight on it.

Another disquieting fact is the disengagement of our young generation from the Eritrean politics. The Eritrean politics which is defined by the existing government and the opposition camp doesn’t resonate with our young generation. This tendency of course in the long run weaken the communal bonds that give meaning and force to notions of national identity and the common good. In politics the importance of being in good term with the youth has become strategic imperative, though it is not recognized in our politics. Therefore it is crucial for EDP and other oppositions to reverse the political apathy of our young generation.

Dear compatriots:

The desire for change is the driving forces of all political and social transitions including the transition of political leadership from old generation to young generations. Yet this has not been in the agenda of the political organizations in the opposition camp. It is time to make our young generation to stand and continue to stand at the forefront of the struggle for democracy and against authoritarian rule. Criticizing the power of the failing adult world is the norm of young generation and is quintessential to progress. Therefore, our politics require a generational approach because it has a unique historical context specially rooted in the political and material of our particular time.

Dear Compatriots:

Undoubtedly, all our discords are about mishandling our differences. The challenge is how to change differences into a constructive differences thereby we can create a favorable circumstances where we could work together for the common interest. It is always a bruising fight over the finer point of political theory, while the battle of the future defies the image of the opposition. I have pinpointed the perennial dilemma of Eritrean politics. The Eritrean people expect you out of this historical congress to act as consensus builders within the opposition camp and the nation as a whole to influence fairness across the spectrum of ideas. I also hope that you will come up with a balanced test and settled rationale on the yet undefined significant nexus of constitutional law, some of which I have recommended ideas to debate on them. With this, I conclude by wishing you to have a successful and a meaningful congress that gives hope and energy to the struggle of democracy.

By a concerned citizen
Amanuel Hidrat
July 17, 2006